“Leadership is half the battle
but followership must also prove its mettle. Each regional grouping should, by
its policies, declare an uncompromising developmental autonomy – I repeat,
Autonomy - leaving the centre only with its competence provenance – foreign
policy, national security and inter-state affairs - including peace subversive
Peace Advocacy – but minus its propensity for inflicting heart seizure on
productive human concourse.” Professor Wole Soyinka: "Mission The Future" - A Speech
Delivered at the 2nd South-South Economic Summit in Asaba.
“Fourthly, as a medium term,
structural measure, we must work to restore our federalism to the broad
outlines embedded in the 1963 republican constitution, devolving more powers
and responsibilities to the states and making the federal government less of a
busy body. This would require that states like Bauchi whose annual
internally-generated revenue is N7 billion should not run a government costing
N58 billion because of monthly hand-outs from Abuja. Each state should learn to
live within its means and seek to actively develop its comparative endowments.
State governors will then be compelled to use their resources better and not
point fingers at the federal government.” “Between Terrorism and Corruption.” By
Mallam El’Rufai, Sahara Reporters, May 10, 2012.
Preamble:
There is this saying that every society gets a leader that it deserves. Profound as that saying may be; in Nigeria, the case is the case. For the past thirty five years, or thereabouts, only two Nigerians, in and out of the Military - Obasanjo and IBB - have been the dominant forces in our leadership selection. Until we eliminate the structural problem or institutional deformity that makes it possible for IBB and Obasanjo to successfully commandeered our electoral process, we will not be able to overcome our leadership crises, especially at the national level. Without any doubt, that structural deformity creates fertile ground for nurturing the bunch of discredited scoundrels and opportunists now masquerading as political leaders and statesmen throughout the Nigerian landscape. Until we develop permanent solutions to overcome it, we will not be able to conduct credible election and elect leaders we can trust. It has nothing to do with INEC (the Electoral Commission). It has everything to do with selection of candidates during the Primaries - a process dominated by an all powerful President. Therefore, the main challenge before every delegate at the ongoing National Conference is how to dismantle and eliminate every fragment of that distortion - the unitary model and the oligarchy that it creates. That's the only way the spirit of one nation one destiny - a true federal system of equal rights and justice - can evolve as it ought to be. So, this essay is about unraveling that structural deformity - its genesis and trajectory - how it impacted our electoral process and leadership selection over the years, and finally, how to overcome it.
In principle, there is nothing wrong with federalism or federal system of government. Ours became an aberration, because the concept was abused, distorted, and manipulated by every administration at the national level since independence, thus creating in our body politic a lingering climate of political disillusionment throughout the land. In spite of every thing, I am passionately and unequivocally opposed to disintegration of Nigeria. Nevertheless, I will not in observance of political correctness, shy away from articulating how a very small, but very influential group in and out of the military, in collaboration with ethnic chauvinists in the likes of Dr. Junaid Mohammed, Professor Ango Abdullahi, and Mr Anthony Sani contrived and perpetrated that distortion/deformity in pursuit of unproductive, selfish, sectional, and feudal ideological objectives.
We must start with decentralization of the over-bloated federal government - relieving it of some responsibilities and transferring them to the federating units or regions. First, they have to put an end to the unproductive marriage or entanglement between State Governors and Local Government Councils, with a view to enabling Local Government Councils with ascertainable rights and responsibilities. Then, apportion the responsibilities presently on the Exclusive List between the Federating States or Regions and the National Government, thereby creating an authentic three levels of government with defined responsibilities and limitations. (By now, we all know those areas that the Federal Government should abstain from or yield ground or act as equal partner with the Federating Regions or States).
There is this saying that every society gets a leader that it deserves. Profound as that saying may be; in Nigeria, the case is the case. For the past thirty five years, or thereabouts, only two Nigerians, in and out of the Military - Obasanjo and IBB - have been the dominant forces in our leadership selection. Until we eliminate the structural problem or institutional deformity that makes it possible for IBB and Obasanjo to successfully commandeered our electoral process, we will not be able to overcome our leadership crises, especially at the national level. Without any doubt, that structural deformity creates fertile ground for nurturing the bunch of discredited scoundrels and opportunists now masquerading as political leaders and statesmen throughout the Nigerian landscape. Until we develop permanent solutions to overcome it, we will not be able to conduct credible election and elect leaders we can trust. It has nothing to do with INEC (the Electoral Commission). It has everything to do with selection of candidates during the Primaries - a process dominated by an all powerful President. Therefore, the main challenge before every delegate at the ongoing National Conference is how to dismantle and eliminate every fragment of that distortion - the unitary model and the oligarchy that it creates. That's the only way the spirit of one nation one destiny - a true federal system of equal rights and justice - can evolve as it ought to be. So, this essay is about unraveling that structural deformity - its genesis and trajectory - how it impacted our electoral process and leadership selection over the years, and finally, how to overcome it.
In principle, there is nothing wrong with federalism or federal system of government. Ours became an aberration, because the concept was abused, distorted, and manipulated by every administration at the national level since independence, thus creating in our body politic a lingering climate of political disillusionment throughout the land. In spite of every thing, I am passionately and unequivocally opposed to disintegration of Nigeria. Nevertheless, I will not in observance of political correctness, shy away from articulating how a very small, but very influential group in and out of the military, in collaboration with ethnic chauvinists in the likes of Dr. Junaid Mohammed, Professor Ango Abdullahi, and Mr Anthony Sani contrived and perpetrated that distortion/deformity in pursuit of unproductive, selfish, sectional, and feudal ideological objectives.
We must start with decentralization of the over-bloated federal government - relieving it of some responsibilities and transferring them to the federating units or regions. First, they have to put an end to the unproductive marriage or entanglement between State Governors and Local Government Councils, with a view to enabling Local Government Councils with ascertainable rights and responsibilities. Then, apportion the responsibilities presently on the Exclusive List between the Federating States or Regions and the National Government, thereby creating an authentic three levels of government with defined responsibilities and limitations. (By now, we all know those areas that the Federal Government should abstain from or yield ground or act as equal partner with the Federating Regions or States).
Therefore, for this National Conference to be meaningful, any man-made obstacle, which in
the opinion of the delegates, is capable of impeding
their chances of developing a document that would eliminate the anomalies
associated with our distorted federal system, should be confronted decisively and dismantled permanently,
no matter who is orchestrating the obstacle. So, on the question of what constitutes majority vote, the delegates should use their own discretion - it requires reasonable judgement. Deferring to the Presidency on the three-quarter requirement instead of two-third is a continuation of the distortion of our federal system by an over-bloated Aso Rock. The three-quarter vote is unconscionable, and must be voted down by the delegates, if they hope of saving this country. This time, Nigerians will not accept "our hands are tied." We need performance, action, and result. Not excuses. I beg to move.
A Historical Perspective of A Distorted Federalism:
The perversion of our Federal
system began from the time of Sadauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Premier of Northern
Region, whose expansionist zeal, geographically speaking, was blatantly
inconsistent with the concept of Federalism. He settled in Kaduna, rather
than joining forces with his peers in Lagos to form a Government and be saddled with responsibilities of building a new nation. He elected to stay back in Kaduna,
confident that doing so would provide him enormous opportunities to assimilate the Middle-Belt Region and fortify his
(NPC) hold on the entire Northern Region, and at the same time, consolidate his political and
religious conquest of the Southern Protectorate, unhindered.
He resisted every attempt to
create another region (Middle Belt) out of the then Northern Region, fully
conscious of the aftermath: Doing so would diminish his command and control of
the greater part of the ‘geographical expression’ called Nigeria. Nevertheless,
he championed the creation of Midwestern Region, calculated to erode the
territorial spread of Action Group, with the ultimate goal of diluting Pa Awo's
influence and visibility at the national stage. And it happened, judging by the outcome of the election that took place following the creation of
Midwestern Region.
As events unfold, especially
after the civil war, that clandestine maneuvering of our federal system by the
Northern Premier, took a reverse turn. When his "Boys" in the
Military became the dominant forces in our Armed Forces and heading the
government at the national level, they dismantled the untouchable Northern
region into pieces in the form of new states and new local government councils
for obvious reason: To channel more federal funds into every nook and cranny of
the region. Except for the short period
of Aguiyi Ironsi's unitary gamble, Nigeria, since independence, has been at the
mercy of northern intellectuals and Military Officers on the issue of the
system of government that we embrace as a nation-sate.
Why is that distortion an issue today? The unintended outcomes, as devastating as they have been, outweighed the main objective. It changes the dynamics of our federal
system of government and all its attributes; supplanting them with a unitary model
– a model that is resistance of competition at the lower levels, and a model
that creates in the occupant of Aso Rock, horrendous power that is blatantly
inconsistent with democratic principles.
Indeed the structural decay is real. There is too much power and control in the command of a sitting President of Nigeria. So, tracing the genesis and trajectory of that anomaly is not immoral. Now is the time for the conference delegates to dilute that humongous power at the national level (the unitary model) and spread more of it to state and local government councils in the true spirit of a federal system. That is the view of most Nigerians from north to south and from east to west. If that's all the delegates can do at the conference; it is a worthwhile endeavor.
Indeed the structural decay is real. There is too much power and control in the command of a sitting President of Nigeria. So, tracing the genesis and trajectory of that anomaly is not immoral. Now is the time for the conference delegates to dilute that humongous power at the national level (the unitary model) and spread more of it to state and local government councils in the true spirit of a federal system. That is the view of most Nigerians from north to south and from east to west. If that's all the delegates can do at the conference; it is a worthwhile endeavor.
Defining the Structural Problem in Relation to our Leadership Crisis:
I was never a fan of or an
advocate for a sovereign national conference; believing as always, that
leadership, to a great extent, determines the attitude of the governed towards
grafts, bribery and corruption. And that if we have selfless or credible
leaders from north to south and from east to west, all the calls for true
federalism, confederacy, or total disintegration as robust as they are
presently, would ebb significantly. In other words, if we vote credible candidates into political office, we are on our way to the promise land. I was wrong. The Primaries and the process of selecting candidates at the party level are dominated by one man - the Governor or the President, as the case ma be. It’s all about
the incumbent, and who he wants to contest at the general election. In the words of President Obasanjo, ‘I
do not know who is going to replace me, but I sure know who won’t’. And it happened.
In hindsight, given the nature of our electoral history, I firmly believe and hold that we will not be able to elect selfless visionary leaders capable of bringing into fruition our dreams of a great and egalitarian society, because of the dictatorship of a very privileged few, supported by the bourgeois class they created via the spoils of office. And that brings us to the thesis of this short essay: Decentralization, without Disintegration: Unraveling and overcoming the oligarchic trends in our body politic, without jeopardizing our age-old social and cultural integration.
For a start, you cannot separate the leadership crisis from the manipulation of our federal system and from the resultant structural problems. They are one and the same. The manipulation or distortion of our federal system gave birth to the structural problems, and the structural problems, in turn, create fertile ground for nurturing the opportunists we are having at the national level as well as in most of the states and local government councils - leading to a culture of low expectations. Apology to Professor Ndibe. Undoing that is a task before the delegates. Because maintaining the status quo is the shortest distance to anarchy, disintegration, or a revolution.
Ours is the only country where an
Awo, Gambari, Aguda, Kontagora, Idiagbon, Eme Awa, Aboyade, Adedeji, Alele
Williams, Yusuf Maitama Sule, Faleye, Kalu Idika Kalu, Donald Duke, and Ayagi cannot become President. For instance, for
an Idiagbon Military coup to be legitimate, a Buhari had to be brought in from
retirement to satisfy the interest of the so-called Sokoto-Kano Caliphate. Were
it not for that historic blonder, there would not have been an IBB aborted
experimentation with democracy or an Abacha fiasco or an Obasanjo dictatorship
or the dying Musa Ya'Adua. It is that simple! It is the structural deformity
that defines the state of our federalism, and by extension, the quality of our
leadership.
Undoing the Anomaly:
At this juncture, I would like to point out that at this very moment there are in
existence, some elements of a confederacy system of government in operation in present
day Northern region of Nigeria. Given that as true, one would then ask: why the resistance
to call for a true federalism or resource control? Why the 'no go areas'? Why the
brouhaha about federating units and federal system? How about the unilateral promulgation
and imposition of Sharia Law in most part of the Northern region? Did Sharia Law receive the approval of the
sitting President or the votes of the National Assembly? No. It is the same with the introduction of Native Police.
Truth is that the call for true federalism and semi-autonomous status that most progressives are demanding are already in operation in the Northern part of Nigeria, except of course, in the area of revenue generation where there is still 100% reliance on Federal Government - thanks to the monthly free oil money from the federal government. In other words, if elements of semi-autonomy are presently in full swing in most Northern States of the country, it is legitimate on the part of the delegates at the conference to vote and endorse semi-autonomous status for the various states. And the same should apply to resource control.
Therefore, I challenge every concerned delegate at the conference to be firm of purpose and seize on this great opportunity to impress it upon every participating delegate, no matter the geographical, religious, or political background, that the present unitary model is not sustainable. Our federal model was distorted by the same people, some of whom are now holding forth at Arewa Consultative Forum, crying marginalization. At this point in time, every Nigerian wants a true federal system, where each component unit or region is imbued with attributes of a semi-autonomous entity, defined as federating unit or region - a constituent of a whole – of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. It's all about decentralization of the national government.
I would like to end this piece by
quoting, once again, from the great work of Professor Wole Soyinka in the
concluding paragraph of the same essay referenced at the opening section of
this piece. ”Nigeria has proved too large
and inefficient for the centralized identification and management of such human
skills and material resources, the centre having become self-aggrandizing,
bloated, parasitic and alienated. Now is the time to put into practice that ancient
saying: Small is beautiful. We must return to the earlier days of creative
rivalry that pronounces that vanishing past an interrupted project of promise,
creativity and productivity. Then, it may be possible for your generation to
say contentedly, even while the harvest is still distant but the soil is
cleanly prepared, the seeds implanted and germinating: Mission? Accomplished!”
03/25/2014