(Please, if you are looking for a short essay to skim, this one is not for you).
The essay that is coming up shortly, addresses the genesis of the educational crisis in the Northern region of Nigeria, and by extension, Nigeria as a whole. And it is one of those troubling national issues evading vigorous public scrutiny or debate. First, you will find Mr. Balarabe Musa's view on the state of education in the Northern region of Nigeria, published by the Guardian newspaper on March 31, 2013. Immediately after the interview by The Guardian, you will also see some excerpts from a piece on the same subject that we wrote and published on this Blog about a year earlier (January 02, 2012).
The essay that is coming up shortly, addresses the genesis of the educational crisis in the Northern region of Nigeria, and by extension, Nigeria as a whole. And it is one of those troubling national issues evading vigorous public scrutiny or debate. First, you will find Mr. Balarabe Musa's view on the state of education in the Northern region of Nigeria, published by the Guardian newspaper on March 31, 2013. Immediately after the interview by The Guardian, you will also see some excerpts from a piece on the same subject that we wrote and published on this Blog about a year earlier (January 02, 2012).
DEFINING THE CRISIS
In 1994 or thereabouts, the now-defunct West Africa Magazine published highlights of a communique by the Northern Chapter of ASUU issued after a regional meeting in Kaduna. In the communique, they questioned the genuine resolve of Northern Governors and political leaders in their quest for parity in the educational standard between the northern region and southern region of Nigeria. In the communique, they stated unequivocally that states in the geographical north had over the years, received more federal funding in the educational sector compared to the allocations to the states in the geographic south. And despite that financial advantage, the communique added, there is no noticeable improvement in narrowing the educational gap between the two regions.
It was in the course of narrowing that gap that Professor Jubril Aminu, years earlier, secured a blank cheque from the IBB Administration to develop the Nomadic Education policy when he was the Minister of Education. Disappointingly, after a few years of trial, the project turned out to be another gigantic project of spurious values - it was abandoned. Those programs, though with the best of intentions, made some individuals from the same ethnic groups stupendously rich. So, having had a perfect understanding of the educational policies tried over the years and abandoned in the Northern region, we did not equivocate on developing the Integrative Model for Islamic Schools in the Northern region of Nigeria. Alhaji Balarabe Musa did, in fact, echo the spirit and the letter of our Integrative Model in his interview with the Guardian newspaper that you are about to read.
It was in the course of narrowing that gap that Professor Jubril Aminu, years earlier, secured a blank cheque from the IBB Administration to develop the Nomadic Education policy when he was the Minister of Education. Disappointingly, after a few years of trial, the project turned out to be another gigantic project of spurious values - it was abandoned. Those programs, though with the best of intentions, made some individuals from the same ethnic groups stupendously rich. So, having had a perfect understanding of the educational policies tried over the years and abandoned in the Northern region, we did not equivocate on developing the Integrative Model for Islamic Schools in the Northern region of Nigeria. Alhaji Balarabe Musa did, in fact, echo the spirit and the letter of our Integrative Model in his interview with the Guardian newspaper that you are about to read.
THE GUARDIAN: What will you say about the backwardness of the North in education; is it self-inflicted or a process of marginalization?
MR. BALARABE MUSA: "No, no, no. It is a direct result of the socioeconomic system controlling all development in the country. There is one area where it is quite obvious, but I think you can’t call that marginalization; it is a problem of the system. For instance, there is a 20-year gap in education development between the North and South, which means the level of educational development in the Southern part of the country is 40 years ahead of the level of educational development in the North. This means that even if there is an act of God to stagnate education development in the South, it will take the North 40 years of purposeful action to bridge the gap. You know that this is obvious; nothing can stop the South from developing educationally. But, unless something is done fundamentally, this problem will continue, and the North will stand in the way of peace, and even development in the country."
"This is because the Northern people cannot agree to bring such a problem of backwardness to an end themselves in the North, and to also participate in the affairs of bringing development to Nigeria equally. And the only solution is to bring about free and compulsory primary and secondary education throughout the country and free post-secondary education throughout the country, to be financed directly by the federal government because the situation now is beyond the capacity of the states to bridge."
"As a solution to the problem, free and compulsory education should be established. And because of the peculiar situation in the North, what should be done is to blend Islamic and Western education together, as it was during our time in the 40s. This was abandoned, and you cannot blame the federal government or any person for this. Rather, you should blame the Northern leadership, because, by the 1960s, the gap between the North and South in education development was a gap of 10 years only, which should have been systematically bridged, even by 1990. It was because of the selfishness of Northern leadership who looked for oil blocs, they looked for juicy contracts, appointments, commissioned agents, and so on, and neglected the education development of the North, which is the root of all problems in the region. This is simply because of their selfish thinking. I think I should say this, whatever you may think about former President Olusegun Obasanjo, whatever the Northerners would say about him; you know that I am one of those who castigated him, but we have to accept the fact that Obasanjo tried in his own way to bridge the gaps in educational development between the North and South, through his policy on education when he was a military president and when he was a civilian president. But, instead of the North to concretize this policy, the Northern leadership did not bother; rather, they were engaged with their own self-interests." The Nigerian Guardian, March 31, 2013.
THE INTEGRATIVE MODEL: A PRELUDE. BY ALEX AIDAGHESE
The Integrative Model, as excerpted in this essay is not a complete document. It is a summary of one of the weekly speeches (papers) I delivered in my "Oral Communication: Business and Organizational" class in 2002 while completing my graduate studies at Harvard. The theme of the speech was how to overcome the economic ills and social deprivations underlying the application of Affirmative Action admission policy at most American Universities - a policy framework that is consistent with the fundamentals of the Nigerian Federal Character and Quota System. In my speech, I supported both policies to the chagrin of my predominantly white audience, even though I was once a victim of the Quota admission policy in Nigeria.
THE INTEGRATIVE MODEL: A PRELUDE. BY ALEX AIDAGHESE
The Integrative Model, as excerpted in this essay is not a complete document. It is a summary of one of the weekly speeches (papers) I delivered in my "Oral Communication: Business and Organizational" class in 2002 while completing my graduate studies at Harvard. The theme of the speech was how to overcome the economic ills and social deprivations underlying the application of Affirmative Action admission policy at most American Universities - a policy framework that is consistent with the fundamentals of the Nigerian Federal Character and Quota System. In my speech, I supported both policies to the chagrin of my predominantly white audience, even though I was once a victim of the Quota admission policy in Nigeria.
I argued that we should not eliminate the policies, repugnant as they seemingly are in the opinion of the victims, without first, eliminating, or at least, reducing the social inequalities and circumstances of birth that place some candidates in a position where they suffer entrenched economic, social, and academic competitive disadvantage over some other candidates. In hindsight, in the US, you could make the argument about the inherent social inequality (slavery and second-class status) to justify the Affirmative Action admission policy, but in Nigeria, that is a complicated narrative to push. I hold this view believing that the educational and socio-economic gaps that led to the creation of the Federal Character and Quota System in Nigeria are self-inflicted - leadership crises.
The fact is, in Nigeria, we never had the experience of the educationally advanced South colonizing or enslaving the educationally disadvantaged North the way White men oppressed and dehumanized black folks for centuries of slavery in the US. Anyway, intent on avoiding washing my country's dirty linen at a public forum, I deliberately ignored that distinguishing aspect between the American Affirmative Action and the Nigerian Quota Systems during my presentation and Q&A.
Following the suggestions of the Assistant Professor who took the class, I expanded the Integrative Model to about Five thousand words, with details on the funding process and implementation mechanisms. Also, the segment on a handshake across the Niger between the real Progressives of the South and the Intellectual Mavericks of the North, covering a roadmap to capturing political power at the centre was developed in 2011. For the purpose of records, an extended version of the Integrative Model is likely to be available at IBB's Office or Library in Minna, Niger State. I left it behind during my visit to his house in 2009 to sell the Integrative Model to him in the form of a Foundation. I will come back to this later as an addendum at the end of the essay.
DIVISIVE EDUCATIONAL ARGUMENTS:
Today, free education at all levels, though practicable, is an aberration at the national level, because Dr. Jubril Aminu now Professor (Senator) Jubril Aminu was of the view that a nationally implemented free education at all levels has the potential to escalate the already educational gap between the North and the South. In his own words: “In the Universities themselves, the Federal Government is now contemplating introducing free education. Whatever may be the merits of this considered step, its likely effect on the University population must be mentioned. It is going to result in an even greater imbalance in enrollment for the simple reason that at the moment, there are a fair number of highly eligible candidates for University education, mainly from educationally advanced states, who unfortunately cannot enter University simply on financial grounds.” That was Professor Aminu in his memo, titled “Educational Imbalance: Its Extent, History, Dangers and Correction in Nigeria” when he was the Executive Secretary of the National University Commission. Please, permit me to break that down for you.
His ethnic-influenced logic was that a nationwide free education program implemented at the national level has the potential to balloon the already existing educational gap between the North and South. His reason is that candidates from the "educationally advanced states, who unfortunately cannot enter University simply on financial grounds", will eventually be able to do so under the proposed free education program. He wasn't ecstatic about the likely benefits of the program to the North, but he was unduly concerned about the likely benefits to the South. It was his view that poor families in the North would not embrace the free education program at the same level as their poor Southern colleagues. His reason was: the aversion of western culture and values by northerners. That was Dr Aminu’s argument somewhere else in the memo, not mine. In other words, Boko is Haram in the opinion of Dr. Aminu.
Based on that premise, he concludes that the idea of free education being contemplated by the government is not a national priority. And our federal military government bought and swallowed his retrogressive arguments hook, line, and sinker. In other words, if the free education policy is not good for the North that, unfortunately, needed it more than the South; it is considered not good enough for Nigeria at large. He was wrong. By the way, it was actually the same period that they removed the Federal Government subsidy on feeding by Nigerian University students. Remember the Ali Must Go student protest?
The truth is that the educational gap between the North and the South that people like Dr. Aminu wanted to bridge, by all means necessary, did not happen overnight in the South. It was made possible by the embrace of the teaching of the Christian Missionaries in the South - the integration of religious studies with the scholarly pursuit of Western education by the Ibos [Igbo or Ndigbo]. And the free education program of Action Group in the western region, as well as, the acceptance and embrace of Western culture and values side by side with the Yoruba creeds by the people of the old western region of Nigeria.
Dr Aminu acknowledged these facts in his 53-page memo, rather than strive to give it a nationwide experiment, he demanded that the rest of the country stand still for the north to catch up, whether or not the northern political leaders were willing to embrace the same values and cultures that made educational advancement possible in the geographical south. And that is the tragedy of the Nigerian educational system, evading abatement or total elimination.
TOWARDS BRIDGING THE EDUCATIONAL GAP
That educational policy selfishly designed to frustrate poor southern families who couldn't afford school fees in the 70s is today, a boomerang before the architects of the paper. It succeeded in creating generations of uneducated, easily manipulated religious extremists in his backyard – a cesspool for Boko Haram adherents and a recruitment reservoir for those who want to impose a state religion on the rest of us.
What is required in the process is a coherent national policy at the elementary and secondary school levels, with the full support of the federal government, similar to what Action Groups and the Unity Party of Nigeria did in the Old Western Region and Bendel State. It was the same policy adopted in Kano State by the late Abubakar Rimi in the Second Republic – a grassroots popular educational initiative that won his administration a UNESCO Award.
What is required in the process is a coherent national policy at the elementary and secondary school levels, with the full support of the federal government, similar to what Action Groups and the Unity Party of Nigeria did in the Old Western Region and Bendel State. It was the same policy adopted in Kano State by the late Abubakar Rimi in the Second Republic – a grassroots popular educational initiative that won his administration a UNESCO Award.
Boko Haram is chickens coming home to roost. A child growing up should have a home, a government that cares, and the opportunity to make a choice about what to make of every religious doctrine contrary to the arrested development phenomenon within the Muslim faith in the northern part of the country.
There are Muslims within the Yoruba race; most of them are well-educated, while others are reasonably trained. The same is true of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Kuwait, Indonesia, and Iran, just to name a few countries. Why must Northern Nigeria be an exception? It's about the opportunity gap and the leadership philosophy, specifically, on the educational agenda of those trusted with government power and responsibilities in the northern region.
No matter the level of our understanding of the political, educational, and religious situation in the north, compulsory and free education for all children of school-going age from Elementary School to Grammar School level is the best way to go - it will go a long way in shaping the future of these abandoned children and how they embrace religious doctrine and distorted teaching.
There are Muslims within the Yoruba race; most of them are well-educated, while others are reasonably trained. The same is true of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Kuwait, Indonesia, and Iran, just to name a few countries. Why must Northern Nigeria be an exception? It's about the opportunity gap and the leadership philosophy, specifically, on the educational agenda of those trusted with government power and responsibilities in the northern region.
No matter the level of our understanding of the political, educational, and religious situation in the north, compulsory and free education for all children of school-going age from Elementary School to Grammar School level is the best way to go - it will go a long way in shaping the future of these abandoned children and how they embrace religious doctrine and distorted teaching.
THE INTEGRATIVE MODEL
Education is a right, and it is the best investment in the life of a child. Religion is a choice and should be treated that way. In the northern region, the majority of the children have grown up to believe that religion, and not education, is a fundamental right; the way, the truth, and the only avenue to emancipation or salvation.
A child capable of imbibing and reciting entire Quranic verses verbatim is capable of solving Quadratic Equations in a Mathematics class if he or she has the opportunity to take the class. No matter how you look at it, it’s all about effort and the leadership that you have and what their views are on education, equal rights, and egalitarianism.
Also, the Quran does not forbid the integration or teaching of the English Language, Arithmetic, Social Studies, and Sciences simultaneously with Islamic studies. Christian Missionaries in the Eastern Region and the Western Region - before and after our independence - perfected the integration approach successfully. It encompasses the Bible on the right hand, then English, Mathematics, History, Civic, Agriculture, and Social Sciences on the left hand. You can't beat that. The same can be replicated in the Northern region concerning religious studies side by side with western or popular education. The truth is you cannot force these children and their parents to send their wards to popular schools, but you can inculcate popular subjects or courses into their curriculum at the Islamic Learning Centers. In that case, the government would have to negotiate the modalities with the Imams and Sheiks who are managing those institutions. This paper is not by any means, arguing for the elimination of Islamic Schools. Rather, the government should work hand in hand with the proprietors of the Islamic Schools; upgrade the physical facilities and inculcate regular subjects or courses into their curriculum by bringing in additional teachers.
A child capable of imbibing and reciting entire Quranic verses verbatim is capable of solving Quadratic Equations in a Mathematics class if he or she has the opportunity to take the class. No matter how you look at it, it’s all about effort and the leadership that you have and what their views are on education, equal rights, and egalitarianism.
Also, the Quran does not forbid the integration or teaching of the English Language, Arithmetic, Social Studies, and Sciences simultaneously with Islamic studies. Christian Missionaries in the Eastern Region and the Western Region - before and after our independence - perfected the integration approach successfully. It encompasses the Bible on the right hand, then English, Mathematics, History, Civic, Agriculture, and Social Sciences on the left hand. You can't beat that. The same can be replicated in the Northern region concerning religious studies side by side with western or popular education. The truth is you cannot force these children and their parents to send their wards to popular schools, but you can inculcate popular subjects or courses into their curriculum at the Islamic Learning Centers. In that case, the government would have to negotiate the modalities with the Imams and Sheiks who are managing those institutions. This paper is not by any means, arguing for the elimination of Islamic Schools. Rather, the government should work hand in hand with the proprietors of the Islamic Schools; upgrade the physical facilities and inculcate regular subjects or courses into their curriculum by bringing in additional teachers.
It is not too late to give it a try in the North and rescue these children from the stranglehold of feudal teaching that turned innocent souls into a carrier of IEDs and enemies of civilization. It's about the opportunity gap - accessibility.
We must not give up on educating these children because the informed citizenry is the most potent and decisive weapon against false beliefs and extorted indoctrination. No one would buy into the disproved belief in the North that Western education is forbidden (reputed by Dr Jubrin Aminu and the Boko Haram sect) if regular education was part of his or her adolescence.
ECONOMIC ARGUMENTS
There must be a distinction to be made between religious purity and survival instinct through purposeful engagement in the national economy. God and Allah help those who help themselves. That is a fact and not just a saying. Our Islamic scholars, teachers, and leaders should be willing to embrace changes and accept the fact that religious freedom is most ennobling when combined with economic and social emancipation.
For instance, Senator Sani Yerima, representing Zamfara West Senatorial District at the National Assembly, Nigeria, was the one who escalated the application of the Sharia Law in the Nigerian legal system, when he was the Governor of Zamfara State for eight years. While the Senator, with unrestrained shrewdness and bravado, devoted so much time and energy to amplifying religious indoctrination in his domain, regular or Western education was left at the mercy of Imams and Sheikhs.
If you must know, the cut-off points for candidates of Zamfara State origin at the yearly Unity School examination are as follows - for the male, four points, and for the female, two points. Whereas, for most other candidates from other states in the same test, the cut-off marks are at least 120 to 130, depending on the educational level of the state in the regulatory brackets. That is the state where Mr. Yerima was the Governor from 1999 to 2007 and has been a Senator at the Nigerian Senate ever since.
Again, if you must know, Senator Yerima is not an ordinary man. He is well-learned. He has a Master's degree in Economics from Bayero University, Kano State, Nigeria. In other words, he is highly abreast of the values of Western education. While he chooses to make Sharia Law the envy of all faiths in his domain - and to the delight of the adherents of the Islamic religion - the educational system in his state pleaded unheard for attention.
Therefore, the first step in bridging the educational gap between the Northern region and Southern region of Nigeria is to rein in most of the State Governors and influential political leaders from the Northern region like Professor Jubrin Aminu to jettison their age-old feudal philosophy that perpetuates caste system.
The current helplessness of the less privileged in the North is disgraceful and cannot be sustained for too long. Therefore, government intervention academically at the very early stage in the lives of the affected children should be encouraged. It will go a long way in shaping their perception and understanding of religion, its social and moral impacts, and the extent of its limitations in the context of economics – the creation, distribution, and consumption of wealth.
For instance, Senator Sani Yerima, representing Zamfara West Senatorial District at the National Assembly, Nigeria, was the one who escalated the application of the Sharia Law in the Nigerian legal system, when he was the Governor of Zamfara State for eight years. While the Senator, with unrestrained shrewdness and bravado, devoted so much time and energy to amplifying religious indoctrination in his domain, regular or Western education was left at the mercy of Imams and Sheikhs.
If you must know, the cut-off points for candidates of Zamfara State origin at the yearly Unity School examination are as follows - for the male, four points, and for the female, two points. Whereas, for most other candidates from other states in the same test, the cut-off marks are at least 120 to 130, depending on the educational level of the state in the regulatory brackets. That is the state where Mr. Yerima was the Governor from 1999 to 2007 and has been a Senator at the Nigerian Senate ever since.
Again, if you must know, Senator Yerima is not an ordinary man. He is well-learned. He has a Master's degree in Economics from Bayero University, Kano State, Nigeria. In other words, he is highly abreast of the values of Western education. While he chooses to make Sharia Law the envy of all faiths in his domain - and to the delight of the adherents of the Islamic religion - the educational system in his state pleaded unheard for attention.
Therefore, the first step in bridging the educational gap between the Northern region and Southern region of Nigeria is to rein in most of the State Governors and influential political leaders from the Northern region like Professor Jubrin Aminu to jettison their age-old feudal philosophy that perpetuates caste system.
The current helplessness of the less privileged in the North is disgraceful and cannot be sustained for too long. Therefore, government intervention academically at the very early stage in the lives of the affected children should be encouraged. It will go a long way in shaping their perception and understanding of religion, its social and moral impacts, and the extent of its limitations in the context of economics – the creation, distribution, and consumption of wealth.
POLITICAL ARGUMENTS:
CHALLENGES BEFORE NORTHERN INTELLECTUALS
Surprisingly, and of course, more disappointingly, a substantial majority of the contemporary northern intellectual class and the political elite groups who, no doubt, are the direct beneficiaries of feudal educational largess (full scholarship, lucrative and strategic job placement opportunities in government, and in public sectors upon graduation), are now blaming the pervasive bombing campaign by the Boko Haram sect on poverty, marginalization, and revenue allocation disparity. Most disappointing is the fact that some of these privileged, educated elite groups do not suffer any equivocation when justifying Boko Haram's barbarism on every available social media regularly.
Problematic as that affinity (love fest between the sect and the intellectuals) seemingly is, it doesn't foreclose the need to negotiate to unite by and between the authentic southern progressives and the present generation of northern intellectuals because of overriding national interests.
But first, there must be a meeting of the minds on one fundamental issue - defeating the status quo. And that brings us to the thesis of this essay.
Thesis:
How do you make a change in a given society, when those who ought to be at the forefront of change [northern academics, mavericks, and intellectuals] are the direct beneficiaries of the policies [feudalism and class system] that made the call for change inevitable?
This is not an isolated or abstract academic puzzle - it is the real deal at the core of our political impasse as a nation-state. And it is the first hurdle that those of us (non-partisan real progressives from the South) who think one great Nigeria is not an illusion (a reality) must first overcome to develop a formidable framework for a genuinely progressive movement nationwide.
Here is my approach to the thesis.
In light of the current development in Nigeria, it is incumbent on the part of the vocal northern intellectuals to rebel in principle against the age-old oligarchy system of government prevalent in the northern region to collaborate with the progressives nationwide, to create a political culture that will stand the test of time and benefit everyone equally.
Given the scale of unrest in the north, rebelling against the feudal philosophy that perpetuates the class system, becomes a moral obligation, because (1), it is the right thing to do given the level of discontent as well as the total disconnect between the nouveau riche and the Hayakawa. (2), the obscene wealth flowing to some individual families in the north from lucrative oil blocs appropriated during the past military regimes is more than necessary to develop the region, and (3), the unpredictable nature of the class warfare that will engulf the area and the spillover effect to the other parts of the country, should status quo remains unchanged, is more potent than imagined.
Therefore, it is imperative on your part (Mavericks and militant intellectuals of the North) to either step out of your protective closets and align with progressive southerners in order to build sustainable human and economic development throughout the northern region and Nigeria at large, or you remain ensconced in your El Dorado and suffer the Muammar Qaddafi's foolhardiness in the long run. Time is of the essence.
Given the scale of unrest in the north, rebelling against the feudal philosophy that perpetuates the class system, becomes a moral obligation, because (1), it is the right thing to do given the level of discontent as well as the total disconnect between the nouveau riche and the Hayakawa. (2), the obscene wealth flowing to some individual families in the north from lucrative oil blocs appropriated during the past military regimes is more than necessary to develop the region, and (3), the unpredictable nature of the class warfare that will engulf the area and the spillover effect to the other parts of the country, should status quo remains unchanged, is more potent than imagined.
Therefore, it is imperative on your part (Mavericks and militant intellectuals of the North) to either step out of your protective closets and align with progressive southerners in order to build sustainable human and economic development throughout the northern region and Nigeria at large, or you remain ensconced in your El Dorado and suffer the Muammar Qaddafi's foolhardiness in the long run. Time is of the essence.
CHALLENGES BEFORE NIGERIAN PROGRESSIVES
I have no doubt in my mind that a progressive administration - precisely at the national level, devoid of ethnic or religious colouration - is our best hope given the level of discontent on campuses and the apparent disconnect between the governed and successive governments since independence. Until we have a genuine leader who espouses financial discipline, transparency, and accountability in the management of our wealth, we cannot make tomorrow better than today.
Given the fact that the present [Jonathan] administration has not exhibited any modicum of rebellion against the status quo in terms of ideas and war against corruption, the earlier progressives of all shapes and stripes unite around a bold agenda and unseat the power clique the better for the nation at large. And that, my friends, is the surest route to emancipating and reinventing the Nigerian man inside of every one of us.
Therefore, this paper is more of a progressive pitch, making a case for (1), the need for southern progressives and northern mavericks and intellectuals to unite and rebel against greed and feudal principles to avert imminent class warfare. (2), that given the seemingly fragile state of our sovereignty, the idea of a Sovereign National Conference, though well-intended, should not be a 'take it or leave it' option because there are too many uncertainties surrounding its successful evolution within a definite period. (3), that progressives and mavericks - with a uniform political and socio-economic agenda nationwide - stand a better chance at uniting this country and arresting the ills that facilitate religious intolerance, greed, corruption, and political assassinations, and (4), that the ruling class - from north to south and east to west - often times capitalizes on existing ethnic mistrust to perpetuate their dominance of the political forces at the perils of the greater majority. Therefore, defeating them in a democratic setting is morally imperative.
MOVING FORWARD
The political elite knows too well that Nigerians are a bunch of gullible, docile, and ethnic chauvinists; afflicted with a chronic short-term memory disorder. We celebrate big names in and out of government, disregarding their abysmal performance while in office, especially if such big names are members of our own tribe or community. It is symptomatic of hapless minds, of beat-up people searching for heroes and handouts from the wrong places.
What we perceived as the policy of the north, what we are worrying about as northern dominance, are not exactly so. They are the handiwork of a negligible few, intent on monopolizing wealth and power, with the active support of gullible, predominantly uneducated followers who are psychologically and mentally enslaved by misinformation tactics perfected by daily handouts that are made possible by stolen wealth. The pains and sufferings of the Talakawa and their counterparts in the south do overlap and bear similar patterns. Corruptions and squandering of riches are as rampant in the South as they are in the North.
Granted no society can completely eradicate corruption from its system, but quality leadership will go a long way in defining how its citizenry and the community at large react to graft, bribery, and corruption. Therefore, more emphasis should be on quality leadership, from top to bottom and from north to south.
That being said, any extorted [forceful] religious indoctrination of the unaffiliated should be treated the way it is - an act of war against the Sovereign [the Nigerian nation-state]. For Nigeria to live up to its promise of one nation and one destiny, it must be willing to mobilize every resource at its disposal to defend threatened rights.
Our desire and our love for the good life, intellectual and educational pursuit, freedom of worship, and the pursuit of happiness shall not be compromised. Never, never; we will never compromise on those things that we hold dear to our hearts. We will never bargain away our fundamental rights to associate and worship the way we want or negotiate away our inherent rights to educate our kids in any part of Nigeria that we choose, and the way we want. Not now, not at any time. Nigeria is not for sale, and the culture of entitlements must be discredited and abandoned. We will never surrender in our search for that egalitarian society and a real federal system of government that benefits every individual, tribe, and region equally.
Mr. Alex Aidaghese is a Lawyer and a Microsoft Certified Systems Engineer (MCSE). He has a dual LL.M. in the Laws of Natural Resources, Energy, and Environmental Law and Policy from the University of Denver, Denver, Colorado. He also completed the one-year Masters level Certificate of Special Studies (CSS) in Administration and Management (now Master of Liberal Arts in Management) at Harvard University Division of Continuing Education, Faculty of Arts and Science, Cambridge, Massachusetts. He contributed this essay from Sugar Land, Texas. December 2011 - March 2012.
Our desire and our love for the good life, intellectual and educational pursuit, freedom of worship, and the pursuit of happiness shall not be compromised. Never, never; we will never compromise on those things that we hold dear to our hearts. We will never bargain away our fundamental rights to associate and worship the way we want or negotiate away our inherent rights to educate our kids in any part of Nigeria that we choose, and the way we want. Not now, not at any time. Nigeria is not for sale, and the culture of entitlements must be discredited and abandoned. We will never surrender in our search for that egalitarian society and a real federal system of government that benefits every individual, tribe, and region equally.
Mr. Alex Aidaghese is a Lawyer and a Microsoft Certified Systems Engineer (MCSE). He has a dual LL.M. in the Laws of Natural Resources, Energy, and Environmental Law and Policy from the University of Denver, Denver, Colorado. He also completed the one-year Masters level Certificate of Special Studies (CSS) in Administration and Management (now Master of Liberal Arts in Management) at Harvard University Division of Continuing Education, Faculty of Arts and Science, Cambridge, Massachusetts. He contributed this essay from Sugar Land, Texas. December 2011 - March 2012.
The End of the Essay.
HERE IS AN UPDATE, ADDED ON DECEMBER 28, 2015.
Given the fact that this essay has been experiencing massive and consistent hits since its publication, we have decided to make your visit here more enriching and worthwhile, by bringing to your attention firsthand information about what Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his followers actually did in 1952 to boost popular education in the Western region of Nigeria, including the old Midwest region. Within four years, these guys were able to develop, not just a blueprint, but a robust plan of action that saw the successful implementation of a Universal Free Primary Education program that turned out to be one of the best organized in the whole world. I repeat, one of the best held in the world as a whole.
So, find below some excerpts from a paper written by S. Ademola Ajayi, titled "THE DEVELOPMENT OF FREE PRIMARY EDUCATION SCHEME IN WESTERN NIGERIA, 1952-1966: AN ANALYSIS."
"The Action Group Party led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo won the first election to the Western House of Assembly in 1952. In his first budget speech, Chief Awolowo (who functioned then as the Regional Minister for Local Government and as well the unofficial Leader of Government Business) made it clear to the members of the House that his government would give top priority to education, among other things, as far as that budget would allow. He spelt this out as a basic principle by which his party was to be guided. “As he stressed in later years, “as far as possible, expenditure on services which tend to the welfare and health and education of the people should be increased at the expense of any expenditure that does not answer to the same test” (Awolowo 1960:263). In July of the same year (1952), the Minister of Education for the Western Region, Chief S. O. Awokoya, presented a comprehensive set of proposals calling for a free, universal, and compulsory education otherwise known as the Universal Primary Education (U.P.E.) for the Western Region by January 1955 (Awokoya’a Proposal 1952). To make such a programme possible without lowering standards drastically, the minister included in his proposal a massive teacher-training programme, the expansion of teacher-training facilities and secondary schools, the introduction of secondary technical education, and Modern Secondary schools (Western House of Assembly Debates: 30 July 1952). This was the prelude to the birth of what Babs Fafunwa (1974:168) has described as “the boldest and perhaps the most unprecedented educational scheme in Africa South of the Sahara” as an ample demonstration of the Western Regional government’s wholehearted commitment to the vital interest of her subjects."
"The Launching and Implementation of the Scheme With the introduction of Awokoya’s proposal, the Western Nigerian government began to make a series of preparations from July 1952 to December 1954 to meet the January 1955 deadline. Among other measures, there was a massive teacher-training programme put in place to complement the existing one. Similarly, facilities for secondary schools were expanded while the pre-1955 period also witnessed the introduction of secondary technical education and secondary modern schools. As planned by the government, the Free Education scheme was formally introduced on 17 January 1955. “The launching of this scheme”, says Fajana, “was a milestone in the educational history of Nigeria.” A remarkable feature of the educational reform of this era was the rapid numerical growth of schools at all levels–primary, secondary (modern and grammar) as well as tertiary. Teacher training institutions were equally expanded, all to translate the proposal of the government into reality. The greatest expansion of this period was at the primary school level. Thus, the number of primary schools rose from 3,550 in 1952 to 6,274 by the end of 1954. By 1955, the figure had risen to 6,407. By the end of 1958, the number of primary schools had risen as high as 6,670."
In 1952 when Awokoya presented his historic proposal before the Western House of Assembly, the number of children at school in the region then was 381,000. The total number of children of school age by then was estimated at 1,146,000. Going by that estimate, the number of children not at school, therefore, was about 765,000 or 66.75 per cent of children of school age. During the first six years of Free Universal Primary Education, there were increases in both boys’ and girls’ enrollment. This was to be expected though not to the extent to which it did occur. In the 1954 school year, 456,600 pupils were attending primary schools in Western Nigeria, but when the scheme was launched in 1955 January, 811,432 children turned up, making an increase of 354, 832 over the figure of the enrollment for the previous year. These figures represented a jump from 35 per cent to 63 per cent of the 5-14-year-old."
OBSERVATIONS AND REFLECTIONS
I would like to point out that following our publication of "The Search for a True Federalism: Balancing Feudal Interests with Southern Greed and Opportunism in Nigeria" President Jonathan's administration introduced the Almajiri Education Initiative in the northern part of Nigeria, starting from Sokoto State - a policy that mirrored our Integrative Model. And I dare say that it was lifted from this Blog.
The Almajiri educational initiative of Jonathan's government is a good start, but it must be all-embracing – every child, whether from a Christian, Muslim, or Animist background should have access to early and free education in every part of the country. If I am not mistaken, the Northern Chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria also espouses this view.
As a closing up: Until we take stock of our journey, our history - what went wrong and otherwise - we cannot achieve sustainable results defining new approaches to change. Go back to history - from the early 70s until very recently - people have become stupendously rich and wealthy appropriating and misappropriating funds set aside for the education of the Talakawa, the Almajiri, the nomads, and children of Fulani herdsmen. And the profiteers are the same people from within these groups, not outsiders. They purposefully left the majority of the kids at the mercy of religious leaders/teachers and laughed their way to the bank with public funds, without rendering account to anyone.
So, given that as the true state of parenting and educational initiatives in the larger northern region over the years, we figured that the best approach is to take Western education into these abandoned groups - inculcate or integrate it into their regular religious curriculum until they are comfortable applying directly to regular schools.
Much as I would like to applaud President Jonathan for his Almajiri initiative, I want to point out that our integrative model, if implemented as written, the government would have been able to offer the same quality education, if not better, to the same population of children presently in the program, if not more, with less than half of the money they have spent so far. Caution: I must warn you, that I did not publish the entire document - the implementation nitty-gritty did not make it to the print. It is not enough to feed your boss with borrowed or stolen ideas, without taking the pain to consult with the author. Anyway, the Almajiri initiative is a positive step. And kudos to former President Jonathan for his experimentation. A policy framework must not be made to enjoy approval or rejection by the benefits it confers on a particular region or ethnic group - Professor Jubrin Aminu's philosophy. Instead, emphasis should be on its overall impacts on the lives of the citizenry and how it strengthens our supply and demand curves in the aggregate as a nation-state. A higher educational standard nationwide will have a profound impact on the overall macroeconomics of our dear fatherland. I beg to move.
WHY I DECIDED TO GO PUBLIC WITH THE INTEGRATIVE MODEL -
Added June 29, 2019
For the purpose of records, an extended version of the Integrative Model is likely to be available at IBBs's Office or Library in Minna, Niger State.
I was in Nigeria in 2008 for the yearly Nigerian Bar Association conference that took place in Abuja. After the conference, I decided to stay back a little to savour the exotic lifestyle of Abuja and to use the opportunity to meet and discuss with some prominent Northern leaders how to bring quality education to the Almajiri and the uneducated Abokis based on a model that I developed as a graduate student on the encouragement of my Professor as I said earlier. My goal was to meet and pitch the concept before some prominent Northern political leaders in the form of an Educational Foundation.
All I was looking for was someone with a great political presence in society to step forward to run with it. As long as the rejected children in our midst have the opportunities to secure pathways to economic and social emancipation through the concept it is irrelevant whose name is on the foundation. Given the expected technical details relating to financing and fundraising, I was willing to remain in Nigeria for at least one year post-registration to ensure that the foundation has a strong beginning. My focus was on (1) Elementary School Curriculum for the displaced kids, (2) A continuing education program for candidates seeking to obtain at least five credits at the West African School Certificate exams or NECO (as the case may be), and (3), Preparatory classes or Bootcamp for JAMB classes for eligible candidates similar to what I took at Uniben, Ekenwan Campus in 1985.
Mr. David Mark was the President of the Senate at the time. I went to his office uninvited and after many arguments with the security details at the entrance to his office, I was permitted to meet with him. Surprisingly, he was not in the office. His Principal Secretary took me to his empty room to prove to me that he was not in. And on his order, a tall lady offered me a chilled Malta drink. And I left after cooling it down with the drink.
From there I went to the office of the Secretary to the Federal Government to meet with Baba Gana Kingibe. After spending about thirty minutes at the entrance to his office they took me to the Registry and told me to drop whatever letter or information I had with the gentleman on duty, but I declined. Unable to convince his staff to oblige me with a couple of minutes of the Secretary's time, I went home disappointed. The Secretary was fired by President Musa Yar'Adua exactly three days later.
Not knowing who else to meet with to sell my ideas, I went straight to Minna, Niger State to meet with IBB. As luck would have it, after passing through two sets of security screening and questioning, I was allowed inside, while they held onto my American passport and leather briefcase. As I was escorted inside the vast office by one of the gentlemen at the receiving security post, I saw two gentlemen sitting on the far left, and one of them asked the dude who brought me inside if I filled out any form, I told him no. But instead, I handed him the parcel that contained the draft of my Integrative Model. My escort handed it over to the gentleman who asked if I fill out any form. (By the way, I recognized his face very well, but I am not going to mention his name here).
As I was directed to my seat, they told me that the President had gone to the living quarter for his afternoon break and he was expected to be back in the office latest 3.30 p.m. And if after 3.30 p.m. he doesn't show up, likely, he will not come back to the office for the day. In addition, they told me that three delegations were already ahead of me, waiting. Meaning, that I am likely going to be the last person to meet with the former President if he decides to come back to office again. Hearing that, I became dehydrated and apprehensive and my mouth dried up immediately. How do I go back home to Abuja at night? That thought began to take hold of me.
It was mid-afternoon. I waited and waited and waited but the President did not show up. My mind was no longer on the project that took me to the Mansion but on my safety driving back to Abuja at night and the thought of my son in the States. At about 3.30 p.m., I got up and told them that I must leave. They looked at me in amazement. Why? One of them asked? You want to go home without seeing the President, I said yes. This dude later told me that he is an alumnus of Edo State University. I could figure that they were not so enthused about my decision to leave without seeing the former President. I just want to be back in Abuja latest 6 p.m. I came to Minna by public transport and it was not a smooth drive. Only one person knew about my trip, my former classmate in my final year at Edo State University, who was at the time of my visit to Abuja, living in Japan.
I remember getting a call from him when I was boarding my vehicle somewhere from Abuja to Minna, that morning. He asked me where I was going and I told him Minna, Niger State. He said, Alex, don't tell me that's where you are going. I told him, "You trust your roommate very well, where else will I be going in Minna, if not to see him?" And he wished me good luck.
When I walked out of the Mansion that same evening, he was the first person to call me. He asked to know about the outcome of our meeting. And I told him that I blew it. As we chatted and as I waited for Okada to take me to the Motor Park, I started to reminisce on the topic of the "elevator pitch" in my Strategic Management Class. Such an opportunity doesn't come twice. I had the opportunity to meet with the former President without invitation and without any introduction from anyone, but I couldn't wait because I was scared of the Minna-Abuja Highway at night. Yes, I blew it, I told my friend.
Besides, I didn't tell any of my family members in Abuja or in the States that I would be travelling that day to Minna to meet with the former President. Before leaving the Mansion, I promised to come back the following week very early in the morning. And I was booked accordingly to meet with the President on the specified date. I came as arranged, but the President was not in the office, his wife was sick. I called back a few days later, and I was told that the President was on holiday. I left for the US a few days later.
Since its publication, the essay remains the second most popular work on this Blog. If I may add, President Jonathan is not the only public leader to embrace the ideas presented here. A prominent Nigerian traditional ruler is also a fan of the essay. And he is facing persecution today for his espousal of the messages contained therein. And I wish him well.
On a final note, Most often, commentators on social media are accused of hiding behind their laptops, and in obscurity, to incite hatred and regurgitate ad nauseam, the issues that set us apart as a people. And I have been so accused on Facebook. I am bold to declare that I have never taken advantage of my alleged obscurity to incite ethnic tension in social media. I am even more provocative, fierce, and dictatorial in person, whenever I am pushing or making a case for public affairs-related initiatives or programs. I write, not necessarily because the internet provides me with the platform. I write because I have a solid grasp of public policies and the creative mindset to develop the process and guidelines for the implementation of emerging trends in public affairs-related programs.
In the past few years, to the extent my time and resources have permitted, I've made myself available before some of the governmental agencies in Nigerian - the Presidency, NNPC, EFCC, ICPC, Corporate Affairs Commission, the Ministry of Justice, Nigeria Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), and the Energy Commission of Nigeria (ECN) with details of my academic background and training, and my readiness to serve. So, the accusation of hiding in your library in the comfort of my New York or Houston abode to foment hatred is grossly nonsensical. Everything I wrote about in this essay came to pass.
I published the Integrative Model because I did not want the idea to die with me. Today, though we have a progressive administration at the centre, it is certainly not in the context that I advocated in this essay. The Northern Mavericks and Intellectuals I had in mind, working in collaboration with Southern Progressives are not in charge of affairs at Abuja; thus, creating a further disconnect between the Talakawa and the political leadership. And at the same time, ascerbating the political divide between the South and the North. When I developed the segment on the Progressive Option, Boko Haram was at the budding stage. Also, there was no kidnapping for Ransome on a nationwide scale. And Herders' siege on private properties and Bandidtry scourge were unknown. The discontent in the geographical North and the speel over effect to the geographical South did indeed happen, as I feared.
On the other hand, the essay on the Immunity Clause has transformed our Criminal Justice system beyond my wildest imagination. In recent years, essays and speeches dealing with the abrogation of the Immunity Clause from our constitution have disappeared from the Nigerian media scene. Before its publication, every commentator who wants to make news has one or two things to say about section 308 and how it has exclusively facilitated criminality, fraud, and embezzlement of public funds by Nigerian Civil Servants and political leaders. I put a stop to that false narrative. I identified the abysmal scale of granting of "permanent injunctive reliefs and ex parte orders" by judges, acting in collusion with fraudulent lawyers as the main problem confronting our Criminal Justice System. And I won the debate. The essay is number one on this Blog.
In sum, I write policy statements and not your usual news analysis. Go back and reread the paragraph on the Thesis of this Essay, you will no longer search for how APC arrived at the mantra of "Change" or campaign slogan. For instance, the very day the Minister of Justice appropriated or hijacked the bank accounts of Governor Fayose of Ekiti State, about two thousand hits came from Nigeria within an hour, of reading the essay on the Immunity Clause. This is not about intellectualism, but commonsense, anchored on facts. In the essay "Search For True Federalism," we took the topic out of the confinement of the Academic and Learned Journals and made it an everyday topic. I should be proud of my work. And I am. I remain thankful to my Heavenly Father for His Grace and Mercy upon my life.
Alex Aidaghese is my real name, not a pseudonym. Thank you, once again, for coming this far with me.
WHY I DECIDED TO GO PUBLIC WITH THE INTEGRATIVE MODEL -
Added June 29, 2019
For the purpose of records, an extended version of the Integrative Model is likely to be available at IBBs's Office or Library in Minna, Niger State.
All I was looking for was someone with a great political presence in society to step forward to run with it. As long as the rejected children in our midst have the opportunities to secure pathways to economic and social emancipation through the concept it is irrelevant whose name is on the foundation. Given the expected technical details relating to financing and fundraising, I was willing to remain in Nigeria for at least one year post-registration to ensure that the foundation has a strong beginning. My focus was on (1) Elementary School Curriculum for the displaced kids, (2) A continuing education program for candidates seeking to obtain at least five credits at the West African School Certificate exams or NECO (as the case may be), and (3), Preparatory classes or Bootcamp for JAMB classes for eligible candidates similar to what I took at Uniben, Ekenwan Campus in 1985.
Mr. David Mark was the President of the Senate at the time. I went to his office uninvited and after many arguments with the security details at the entrance to his office, I was permitted to meet with him. Surprisingly, he was not in the office. His Principal Secretary took me to his empty room to prove to me that he was not in. And on his order, a tall lady offered me a chilled Malta drink. And I left after cooling it down with the drink.
From there I went to the office of the Secretary to the Federal Government to meet with Baba Gana Kingibe. After spending about thirty minutes at the entrance to his office they took me to the Registry and told me to drop whatever letter or information I had with the gentleman on duty, but I declined. Unable to convince his staff to oblige me with a couple of minutes of the Secretary's time, I went home disappointed. The Secretary was fired by President Musa Yar'Adua exactly three days later.
Not knowing who else to meet with to sell my ideas, I went straight to Minna, Niger State to meet with IBB. As luck would have it, after passing through two sets of security screening and questioning, I was allowed inside, while they held onto my American passport and leather briefcase. As I was escorted inside the vast office by one of the gentlemen at the receiving security post, I saw two gentlemen sitting on the far left, and one of them asked the dude who brought me inside if I filled out any form, I told him no. But instead, I handed him the parcel that contained the draft of my Integrative Model. My escort handed it over to the gentleman who asked if I fill out any form. (By the way, I recognized his face very well, but I am not going to mention his name here).
As I was directed to my seat, they told me that the President had gone to the living quarter for his afternoon break and he was expected to be back in the office latest 3.30 p.m. And if after 3.30 p.m. he doesn't show up, likely, he will not come back to the office for the day. In addition, they told me that three delegations were already ahead of me, waiting. Meaning, that I am likely going to be the last person to meet with the former President if he decides to come back to office again. Hearing that, I became dehydrated and apprehensive and my mouth dried up immediately. How do I go back home to Abuja at night? That thought began to take hold of me.
It was mid-afternoon. I waited and waited and waited but the President did not show up. My mind was no longer on the project that took me to the Mansion but on my safety driving back to Abuja at night and the thought of my son in the States. At about 3.30 p.m., I got up and told them that I must leave. They looked at me in amazement. Why? One of them asked? You want to go home without seeing the President, I said yes. This dude later told me that he is an alumnus of Edo State University. I could figure that they were not so enthused about my decision to leave without seeing the former President. I just want to be back in Abuja latest 6 p.m. I came to Minna by public transport and it was not a smooth drive. Only one person knew about my trip, my former classmate in my final year at Edo State University, who was at the time of my visit to Abuja, living in Japan.
I remember getting a call from him when I was boarding my vehicle somewhere from Abuja to Minna, that morning. He asked me where I was going and I told him Minna, Niger State. He said, Alex, don't tell me that's where you are going. I told him, "You trust your roommate very well, where else will I be going in Minna, if not to see him?" And he wished me good luck.
When I walked out of the Mansion that same evening, he was the first person to call me. He asked to know about the outcome of our meeting. And I told him that I blew it. As we chatted and as I waited for Okada to take me to the Motor Park, I started to reminisce on the topic of the "elevator pitch" in my Strategic Management Class. Such an opportunity doesn't come twice. I had the opportunity to meet with the former President without invitation and without any introduction from anyone, but I couldn't wait because I was scared of the Minna-Abuja Highway at night. Yes, I blew it, I told my friend.
Besides, I didn't tell any of my family members in Abuja or in the States that I would be travelling that day to Minna to meet with the former President. Before leaving the Mansion, I promised to come back the following week very early in the morning. And I was booked accordingly to meet with the President on the specified date. I came as arranged, but the President was not in the office, his wife was sick. I called back a few days later, and I was told that the President was on holiday. I left for the US a few days later.
Since its publication, the essay remains the second most popular work on this Blog. If I may add, President Jonathan is not the only public leader to embrace the ideas presented here. A prominent Nigerian traditional ruler is also a fan of the essay. And he is facing persecution today for his espousal of the messages contained therein. And I wish him well.
On a final note, Most often, commentators on social media are accused of hiding behind their laptops, and in obscurity, to incite hatred and regurgitate ad nauseam, the issues that set us apart as a people. And I have been so accused on Facebook. I am bold to declare that I have never taken advantage of my alleged obscurity to incite ethnic tension in social media. I am even more provocative, fierce, and dictatorial in person, whenever I am pushing or making a case for public affairs-related initiatives or programs. I write, not necessarily because the internet provides me with the platform. I write because I have a solid grasp of public policies and the creative mindset to develop the process and guidelines for the implementation of emerging trends in public affairs-related programs.
In the past few years, to the extent my time and resources have permitted, I've made myself available before some of the governmental agencies in Nigerian - the Presidency, NNPC, EFCC, ICPC, Corporate Affairs Commission, the Ministry of Justice, Nigeria Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), and the Energy Commission of Nigeria (ECN) with details of my academic background and training, and my readiness to serve. So, the accusation of hiding in your library in the comfort of my New York or Houston abode to foment hatred is grossly nonsensical. Everything I wrote about in this essay came to pass.
I published the Integrative Model because I did not want the idea to die with me. Today, though we have a progressive administration at the centre, it is certainly not in the context that I advocated in this essay. The Northern Mavericks and Intellectuals I had in mind, working in collaboration with Southern Progressives are not in charge of affairs at Abuja; thus, creating a further disconnect between the Talakawa and the political leadership. And at the same time, ascerbating the political divide between the South and the North. When I developed the segment on the Progressive Option, Boko Haram was at the budding stage. Also, there was no kidnapping for Ransome on a nationwide scale. And Herders' siege on private properties and Bandidtry scourge were unknown. The discontent in the geographical North and the speel over effect to the geographical South did indeed happen, as I feared.
On the other hand, the essay on the Immunity Clause has transformed our Criminal Justice system beyond my wildest imagination. In recent years, essays and speeches dealing with the abrogation of the Immunity Clause from our constitution have disappeared from the Nigerian media scene. Before its publication, every commentator who wants to make news has one or two things to say about section 308 and how it has exclusively facilitated criminality, fraud, and embezzlement of public funds by Nigerian Civil Servants and political leaders. I put a stop to that false narrative. I identified the abysmal scale of granting of "permanent injunctive reliefs and ex parte orders" by judges, acting in collusion with fraudulent lawyers as the main problem confronting our Criminal Justice System. And I won the debate. The essay is number one on this Blog.
In sum, I write policy statements and not your usual news analysis. Go back and reread the paragraph on the Thesis of this Essay, you will no longer search for how APC arrived at the mantra of "Change" or campaign slogan. For instance, the very day the Minister of Justice appropriated or hijacked the bank accounts of Governor Fayose of Ekiti State, about two thousand hits came from Nigeria within an hour, of reading the essay on the Immunity Clause. This is not about intellectualism, but commonsense, anchored on facts. In the essay "Search For True Federalism," we took the topic out of the confinement of the Academic and Learned Journals and made it an everyday topic. I should be proud of my work. And I am. I remain thankful to my Heavenly Father for His Grace and Mercy upon my life.
Alex Aidaghese is my real name, not a pseudonym. Thank you, once again, for coming this far with me.
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