Stabilising Nigerian Universities: A Political Strategy for Economic Revolution. July 04, 2025

Preamble.

What if fixing the university academic calendar could help fix the economy? It’s not just possible; it’s already happening, albeit unnoticeably.

In Nigeria, discussions about economic growth often focus on oil, foreign investment, or monetary policy. But there’s another force at play — quiet, steady, and often overlooked: the stabilisation of our university academic calendar. I've consistently focused on this topic in the past year.

It might seem like a minor administrative achievement, but ensuring Nigerian universities remain open, predictable, and on schedule could be one of the most impactful economic policies of the decade. Each time I am asked what President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has recently done for us, my immediate citation-one among many-has always been the stabilisation of our academic calendar and university education in Nigeria. And we are only beginning to see the results.

When Degrees Take Seven Years

Until recently, a four-year university programme in Nigeria could take as long as seven years to complete. Endless ASUU strikes and funding disputes pushed thousands of students and their frustrated parents to seek alternatives abroad, regardless of the cost.

The result is obvious. Capital flight. Parents sold Naira, bought dollars or pounds, and sent the money out of the country to pay school fees overseas. Few realise the strain this has placed on the Naira.

When thousands of families rush to exchange Naira for foreign currency each year, not for investment or import purposes, but simply to escape our broken education system, they create unnecessary pressure on the currency. The result: a steady, avoidable depreciation of the Naira.

Black Market Demand and Unforced Depreciation

Here’s the key point: most of this demand for foreign exchange isn’t generated by businesses seeking to grow the economy. It’s from individuals trying to secure education abroad. And because they are desperate, they’re willing to buy foreign currency at any rate. Maybe you want to read the paragraph above again, because it is at the heart of this essay.

This behaviour distorts the foreign exchange market. It’s not driven by trade or investment; it’s emotional, reactive, and harmful. The Naira gets battered unnecessarily. But that has changed.

In recent months, there has been an unprecedented calm in the university system. No strikes. No mass disruptions. Just steady and uninterrupted academic activity. Slowly, pressure on the Naira has begun to ease.

Savings and Liquidity

When students can graduate on time at home, parents stop sending their children abroad out of desperation. This reduces demand for dollars and pounds, allowing more Naira to stay in the country. Savings increase.

That money, now retained domestically, doesn’t just sit idle. It gets used to start businesses, build homes, pay for local services, or fund other children’s education within Nigeria. In other words, it starts working for the Nigerian economy instead of elsewhere.

The impact is profound. Within the country, we now see more liquidity, more investment, and more employment opportunities.

Reversing the Brain Drain

In the past, families from neighbouring countries like Cameroon sent their children to Nigeria for higher education. In the United States, I have met many graduates from UNN and OAU who came from across the border. This trend has reversed in the past 20 years. We are now the ones sending students abroad to Ghana, Uganda, Togo, South Africa, and even offshore campuses of Western universities in Africa.

Stability in the academic calendar can change that. With a reliable academic calendar and improved quality, we can restore Nigeria’s reputation as an educational hub, attracting students (and their tuition fees) back into the country.

Training for Export the Right Way!

Nigeria already exports one of its most valuable resources: skilled professionals, particularly in healthcare. Our nurses and doctors are in high demand globally, and their remittances support families and businesses back home.

However, to sustain this pipeline, students must graduate on time. Delays disrupt career paths, migration plans, and family expectations. Academic stability ensures a steady flow of qualified professionals who can work here or abroad, sending money back home to fuel the local economy.

Let’s be clear: we’re not glorifying the “Japa” trend. We’re advocating for structured, intentional investment in education so Nigeria can become a respected exporter of human capital, much like India has with its tech professionals.

One Policy, Many Benefits

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration may not receive much recognition for this, but stabilising the academic calendar addresses more problems than it appears to. It (1) reduces capital flight, (2) eases pressure on the Naira, (3) boosts domestic investment, and (4) ensures a steady supply of graduates for both local and international employment.

This isn’t about politics. I am not writing to promote a campaign agenda. My analysis stems from my background in management and public administration, based on observable facts and economic reasoning.

Conclusion

In economics, we often say: If A leads to B, and B leads to C, then maintaining A will eventually produce C. In this case, stabilising university education in Nigeria by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (A) results in less capital flight (B) and ultimately a stronger economy and currency (C).

We are only at the beginning of this journey; however, the signs are promising. If this trend continues, Nigeria could emerge with a stronger Naira, more jobs, and a better reputation, not just for its oil or entertainment, but for its people and its education. And that is a future worth investing in.

In closing, I want to reiterate: Leadership should be assessed not only on past grievances, but also on current intentions and future outcomes. Let us give President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his team a fair chance to deliver on their promises while remaining vigilant and committed to constructive engagement.

They are not merely governing within the limits of available human and material resources; they are pushing boundaries, reinventing resilience, and optimising the process.

The often reviled, but tolerated, culture of low expectations does not define them. That's become history. What is evolving is more than conventional governance. This is a complete reset, heralding not just the remaking of a broken system, but a total replacement.

May God bless you, and may God bless Nigeria. 🇳🇬

July 04, 2025

Undaunted, He Wrote.

Dr. Bukola Saraki's ascent to Senate President during the 8th National Assembly (2015–2019) was, essentially, a carefully planned civilian coup executed within the National Assembly against Chief Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Central to this plot was a deliberate attempt to weaken Chief Asiwaju and diminish his influence and relevance in the new administration he nurtured and helped bring to fruition.

A vital question remains: Where did the instruction originate that directed certain lawmakers to proceed to the National Assembly for the decisive vote? All evidence suggests it came from Aso Villa.

However, to this day, the identity of the person who issued or authorised that call remains unknown. Significantly, the senators excluded from this process or phone call were all members of the APC loyal to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who were prepared to vote for his preferred candidate as the Senate President, instead of Dr. Saraki for the role.

This manoeuvre was part of a broader strategy to politically sideline Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu within the very government he helped install — President Buhari's administration.

One might have thought that, considering his enormous sacrifices that propelled Gen Buhari into the Presidency, President Buhari and his close-knit inner circle would have handed the APC Presidential ticket to him effortlessly. But no, they wanted him out, humiliated. Unfazed, he fought back. To this day, only God knows how he did it - defeating the presidential machinery with a single strike.

A similar crude scheming pattern re-emerged during the last PDP presidential primaries, leading to the controversial defeat of Governor Nyesom Wike. The Sokoto man he trusted the most pulled the rug from under him, resulting in a crash. Even though he rose from the fall, he seems not to have forgotten how he fell and those responsible.

These two fighters didn't resolve to nurse their wounds in seclusion, defeated; rather, they are actively disrupting the status quo, undeterred. They feel no moral lapses in taking the fight to their tormentors' comfort zones, simultaneously pulling all strings to reinvent the federal government for the good of our future generations.

And what could be worse than changing the national currency on the eve of presidential campaigning and election, then failing to make the currency available months after the change? As a result, many vulnerable Nigerians died in the process, while the targeted victim, overcoming all the odds, soldiered on to victory undaunted.

Today, for the first time in Nigeria’s political history, a pro-people administration occupies the centre stage. Yet, ironically, many seem reluctant to grant them even three full years in office. It prompts the question: When was the last time Nigerian universities completed two consecutive academic years without disruption?

Leadership should be assessed not only on past grievances but also on current intentions and future outcomes. Let us give Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his team a fair chance to deliver on their promises while remaining vigilant and committed to constructive engagement.

They are not merely governing within the limits of available human and material resources; they are pushing boundaries, reinventing resilience, and optimising the process.

A culture of low expectations does not define them. This is more than conventional governance. This is a complete reset, heralding not just the remaking of a broken system, but a total replacement.

Consequently, tough times can only be alleviated, but hardly eradicated, during a sudden disruption. Thus, being patient becomes unavoidable.

Barr Alex Ehi Aidaghese

July 03, 2025

Integrity: Standing for Nigeria When No One Is Watching

On May 17, 2013, I published an essay on my blog titled “Nigeria is at War: We Must Stand Up and Support Our President.” It came on the heels of President Goodluck Jonathan’s declaration of a State of Emergency in Adamawa, Yobe, and Borno States, a necessary but highly controversial decision at the time.

The backlash from certain corners of the country was swift and predictable. Northern political elites, the Arewa Consultative Forum, and the Northern Elders Forum all raised objections. Yet in that moment of national tension, silence wasn’t an option for me.

I believed the moment called for courage, clarity, and patriotic resolve. So, I sent the essay to several national newspapers and platforms, including Sahara Reporters. None of them published it.

Unwilling to be silenced or frustrated, I took an unconventional step: I submitted an abridged version as a comment under a Punch Newspaper story titled "North Kicks Against Ban on Boko Haram, Ansaru", signing it as Nonaligned Progressive. Basement Blogger: North kicks against ban on B’Haram, Ansaru

That comment, unbelievably, struck a nerve.

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A Voice That Resonated

The Punch comment section, usually a cauldron of divergent, often polarised opinions, came alive in an unprecedented manner. My submission received about 100 thumbs-up and more than 400 supportive comments. Not a single dissenting view was recorded. For two consecutive days, my comment sat atop the news feed, drawing attention from Nigerians across divides, at home and abroad.

Since the advent of social media in Nigeria’s public discourse, I have never seen such a unanimous endorsement of a piece, especially by Nigerians known for their fierce opinions, deep scepticism, and intellectual independence. Spiritually, I felt abundantly blessed. The prayers and goodwill messages I received during those two days remain unforgettable.

Something unexpected followed.

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Silence from the Critics

After my piece was published, the usual stream of open criticism against President Jonathan’s counter-insurgency policies seemed to dry up. Some suggested the administration had placed a mole in the press. But there was no mole. I was simply a citizen standing up for the President when it was least fashionable. At the time, those around him failed to craft a compelling public defence of his actions.

In the essay, I concluded with this call to conscience:

“As Professor Wole Soyinka would say, ‘The man dies in all who keep silent in the face of tyranny.’ If the Borno occupation by the sect is not a tyranny, I wonder what is. Therefore, all of us must stand with the President and support our military in their collective commitment to liberate the supposedly free people of Southern Kaduna, Plateau, Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa States from the siege of the Boko Haram sect.”

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The Response from the Ivory Tower

Given the reaction to my comment on Punch Newspaper, I anticipated some form of rebuttal, perhaps from academics or political thinkers in Northern Nigeria. That response came on June 10, 2013, in the form of a powerful speech delivered before the Student Council at Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria, not by an academic, but by a well-known public figure, whom I’ll refer to here as Mr. X.

The speech quickly made headlines nationwide. In it, Mr. X lamented the state of Nigerian democracy:

“The tragedy of our democracy is that it is one in which the yearnings of the youth are stamped down to perpetuate a tyranny of interests. Tyranny it is when a certain slim range of people impose their private interests on the majority; tyranny it is when the agents of change are left on the cliffs of unemployment, poverty, insecurity, substandard education and, worse still, policies destroyed by our heritage of corruption.” 

“To democratize Nigeria, we must understand the powers we refuse to explore. The tyrants in a democracy are actually individuals from amongst the people, but when they become agents of electoral malpractices and political dishonesty, the dice turns up against the people from which they have come.” – Mr. X.

Reading Mr. X’s speech filled me with satisfaction. It affirmed my interpretation of the political currents in the country at that time. But someone missed the context completely—Dr. Reuben Abati, President Jonathan’s then Press Secretary.

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A Misguided Rebuttal

Dr. Abati accused Mr. X of hypocrisy, labelling his critique as a betrayal and branding his comments as an attack on the President’s integrity. In his words:

“It is certainly the height of hypocrisy for Mr. X, who built his reputation as an anti-corruption crusader by trampling on the rule of law, to now accuse an administration that has upheld human rights and due process of being tyrannical.”

But here’s the problem: Mr. X never used the word “tyrannical” about the Jonathan administration. His speech critiqued the broader structure of Nigerian politics, not the President personally.

Seeing the growing misinterpretation, I responded with a commentary titled “X v. Abati: Fighting the Wrong War Over Deceptive Headlines”, which was published in the Punch Newspaper that carries the Abati story. In that piece, I clarified and defended Mr. X:

“Let it be on record that Mr X was the first, and, if I am not mistaken, the only prominent member of the opposition parties who came out to support the President and the Presidency following the declaration of a State of Emergency in Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa States. From all indications, it seems we have forgotten all that patriotic performance by Mr X., when standing with the President or supporting him then, especially by members of the opposition, was considered an aberration. Concerning the instant feud between Mr. X and Dr. Abati, I read the X's address before the Student Council at ABU several times, but I couldn't find the term "tyrannical leadership."

To reinforce my point, I reproduced all the references to “tyranny” in Mr. X’s speech, none of which accused the President or his administration.

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A Commentary on Integrity and Public Dialogue

I concluded my piece with a message to Dr. Abati:

"... expecting Mr. X to be blindly subservient or steadfastly deferential to the Presidency on every issue is, to say the least, indefensible, conceited, and unreasonable. Finally, there are numerous ways to put a lie or to rebut treatises, without actually sounding antagonistic or condescending. If the ship is not sinking, then provide charts, facts, and figures to support your position that indeed, the ship is not sinking. Not a diatribe. I beg to move." Signed: Mr. Alex Aidaghese - Punch Newspaper, 6/10/2013

What I did not disclose to Nigerians at the time was that Mr. X’s speech at ABU was a response to my widely read Punch comment. It was a dialogue, an intellectual back-and-forth between two patriotic voices, trying to give meaning to a confusing and dangerous time in Nigeria’s history.

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A Legacy in Print

I’ve never let grammatical missteps or editorial rejection discourage me. What matters is that I have a platform to present my thoughts to the world with accuracy and sincerity. My blog, hamiltonatlarge.blogspot.com, remains the most daring venture of my life, one that allows me to tell my truth, without waiting for an editor’s nod.

When I am gone, the world will have access to the thoughts of a man they often misunderstood, sometimes feared, but who always spoke from a place of conviction and vision. I’ve been criticised behind my back, rarely applauded in my absence, yet I remain undeterred.

My Motivation Was, and Still Is, Nigeria

What I did for President Jonathan during the Boko Haram crisis, I did not do out of political loyalty. I did it for Nigeria—for its unity, its peace, and its future.

Though politically progressive, I always saw Jonathan’s government as a continuation of the NPN playbook. Yet in that moment, he needed defence—not because he was perfect, but because he was right.

Between Mr. X and Dr. Abati, I leaned toward Mr. X. Not because I agreed with him on everything, but because he was honest, credible, and meant no harm.

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A Final Word

If I am feared, it is not because I sow hatred, deceit, or antagonism. It is because I embody visionary, truth, and a standard of integrity that many find intimidating. I have lived a life of thought, conviction, and quiet influence. And when I leave this world, my words will remain —  clear, unbending, and purposeful.

— Alex Aidaghese

June/10/2013

Mr. Bashir El-Rufai, a True Son of His Father

"Can't wait for this man to relocate back to Bourdillon. The North is ready."

Bashir El-Rufai

@BashirElRufai

19/06/2025

There is a saying: “Show me your friend, and I will tell you who you are.” That proverb carries weight, especially in Nigeria’s political landscape.

Initially, I was not a supporter of President Goodluck Jonathan. I couldn’t understand how a PhD holder, an academic, and a son of the Niger Delta could appear so passive and seemingly uninformed about Nigeria’s complex political machinery. I expected him to reform the PDP from within, lead a transformative government, be more socially engaged, and recruit patriotic intellectuals like Dr. Festus Iyayi of UNIBEN and Dr. Attahiru Jega (before he was appointed INEC Chairman) as key figures in his administration. But his governance seemed to follow the same tired pattern of business as usual.

My scepticism deepened when investigations revealed that the sons of both past and sitting PDP chairmen during his tenure were implicated in a massive petroleum subsidy fraud that siphoned off billions from the NNPC’s subsidy fund. I had every reason to be disappointed. However, my opinion began to shift over time.

One day, while browsing Facebook, I came across Malam Nasir El-Rufai’s page. I had long admired El-Rufai, especially for his work cleaning up Abuja as FCT Minister. That admiration ended abruptly. Reading the posts and comments on his page, particularly those targeting President Jonathan, was a turning point for me. I was appalled that someone who had held such a high office would allow his platform to become a hub of bile, hate, and vitriol directed at a sitting president.

Disgusted, I returned to my blog and edited the introduction to an essay I wrote, advocating for an alliance between Southern progressives and Northern mavericks to challenge the PDP. Though the main content remained, I had to rewrite the preamble. See https://hamiltonatlarge.blogspot.com/2012/03/game-change-uncertainties-of-snc-and.html?zx=b83eba38448ef1e7

Over the years, reading Bashir El-Rufai’s (Governor El-Rufai's son) social media posts has been deeply disconcerting. One begins to wonder if he is truly a Nigerian, or whether he has benefited from any formal education at all. Even more troubling is the tacit support his father appears to offer for his crass and divisive commentary. If Governor El-Rufai had disapproved, his son would likely have changed by now. This is not an ideologically driven resentment; it is purely tribal, class-based, and feudal-leaning hatred.

This is precisely what I try to explain to my friends and family when they question my support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Bashir El-Rufai is a true reflection of his father. The campaign against President Tinubu is not driven by love for the Almajiri population or the Talakawa of Nigeria, nor by a better track record of service to these groups. It is fueled by resentment over Tinubu's disruption of the status quo — a system that once allowed a few privileged individuals like the El-Rufais of Nigeria to monopolise federal power and resources with minimal accountability.

The painful loss of lives in Southern Kaduna during El-Rufai’s tenure as governor, his questionable actions during President Jonathan’s military campaign against Boko Haram (including his infamous “anyone who kills a Fulani has taken a loan ... ” remark), and his controversial trip to the Sahel to negotiate with armed herders — all point to a troubling legacy. One is forced to ask how such a man came to wield so much influence over Nigeria’s future. I pity Alhaji Atiku Abubakar if this is the kind of ally he must rely on.

Today, Nigeria is engulfed in internal strife, violence, and terror, partly the result of foreign mercenaries allegedly brought in to intimidate Jonathan out of contesting the presidential election results against General Buhari. Yet, President Jonathan chose to walk away with dignity. And now, where are we?

The North, which Bashir claimed is “ready to fight President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu,” is embroiled in self-inflicted turmoil. President Tinubu is now confronted with multiple crises: the Middle Belt is in flames, the South is simmering with secessionist tensions, and the very forces Bashir and his ilk once empowered are wreaking havoc on communities, highways, and farmlands across Nigeria.

Reading Bashir’s unhinged public statements helps one understand why these armed militants show no mercy to their victims. You can practically feel the horrendous extent of his hatred and heartlessness. No iota of civility or traces of decency in his utterances and commentaries. Don't you have shame, Bashir? Are there no elders in your household or community at all? Where is the educated man in you, brother?

Let it be made clear to you: the Nigeria where your dad reigned as an untouchable kingmaker is gone. This is more than President Tinubu’s 2027 re-election. It is about fundamentally transforming Nigeria into a true nation-state built on equality, accountability, and shared purpose. A Nigeria where unchecked privilege, inherited power, and entitlement no longer dictate who gets heard and who holds sway.

If the status quo has intensified the grievances expressed by individuals such as Sunday Igboho and Nnamdi Kanu, it is largely due to the prolonged influence of figures like Bashir El-Rufai, who have been granted platforms and unchecked authority to sow division, dictate public policy, and shape the direction of our political system detrimentally.

This must not be allowed to continue. Nigeria is a nation worth preserving, but certainly not through the divisive actions and explosive utterances associated with the El-Rufai clan.

In conclusion, rather than dedicating my efforts to advocating for secession or the dissolution of this great nation, I shall continue to focus on mitigating the adverse influence of individuals such as Mr. Bashir El-Rufai on our public policy and on preventing those who espouse similar views from occupying public office in Nigeria. Insha Allah, I am resolutely committed to overcoming this challenge. Above all, this is a matter of advancing good governance in opposition to destructive forces.

Salute to Fallen Soldiers. June 26, 2025

Boko Haram and foreign killer-herders' sympathisers should be prohibited from public office. They are enemies of the state, unfit to run for or be appointed to public office.

They brought in foreign fighters - men who spoke strange tongues, armed and dangerous, just to wrest power from President Jonathan if he refused to concede to General Buhari.

Those same men have now become bandits, kidnappers, and terrorists, killing and maiming our men and women in uniforms like chickens every day … and the people who invited them are holding meetings, planning how to secure power in 2027. Only in Nigeria.

And we, the so-called enlightened class, stay silent, minding our business.

Why is no one demanding answers? Why isn’t there national outrage over how these killers got here, and who brought them?

Why aren’t we talking about driving them out of our forests and highways, and sending them back to wherever they came from?

Is our silence a product of fear? Or are we just hoping to stay clean, in line for a government contract or political appointment?

Every day, we see them in trailers, being moved, distributed across the country like cargo. Someone rented those trucks. Someone paid the drivers. Someone is responsible.

If we can't find the smugglers, at least ask the drivers. The DSS can start there.

We owe it to the souls of our fallen soldiers. We owe it to the families grieving night and day. We owe it to the future of Nigeria.

May their sacrifice not be in vain. May their souls rest in peace. 🇳🇬💔

The Trial of Yahaya Bello is a Test of Nigerian Judicial Integrity.

Former Governor Yahaya Bello served as the Executive Governor of Kogi State for eight years, a period long enough to have established a world-class healthcare facility capable of addressing not only the needs of the public but also his personal medical concerns. However, he now seeks medical treatment abroad, even as a ₦80.2 billion embezzlement case looms over him.

Despite being one of the youngest governors during his tenure, Mr. Yahaya Bello demonstrated a troubling disregard for accountability and visionary leadership.

He has consistently evaded justice and avoided arrest for several years. Now, following increased scrutiny and criminal prosecution, he cites questionable medical grounds as justification for international travel.

His conduct represents a profound disappointment to the younger generation, who once saw his rise to leadership as a beacon of hope and progress.

On one occasion, he was recorded on a video, sitting inside a brand-new, customised Mercedes-Benz, relishing and indulging in the luxury of its abundant "bling-bling" with the enthusiasm reminiscent of a gangster rapper over his latest acquisition or a child receiving a coveted Christmas gift. No sense of dignity or shame. And no apprehension of public opprobrium. It is a free world.

Furthermore, a sitting governor who misappropriates public funds in hard currency to prepay his children’s private school fees, despite their not yet being in those classes, warrants a strict penalty. Such accountability should serve as a deterrent to others who might consider similar abuses of public trust.

This trial serves as a significant litmus test for the impartiality, independence, and integrity of Nigeria's criminal justice system.

As a high-profile figure facing serious allegations, including the misappropriation of ₦80.2 billion in public funds, how his case is handled will either reinforce public confidence in the rule of law or further erode trust in the institutions tasked with administering justice.

The principle of equality before the law is a cornerstone of any democratic society. If the legal process is perceived as being manipulated to favour the powerful or politically connected, it not only undermines the credibility of judicial institutions but also sets a dangerous precedent for selective justice.

On the other hand, a fair, transparent, and expeditious trial, free from political interference or undue delay, would affirm the judiciary’s commitment to upholding justice without fear or favour.

In this context, the Bello case is more than a matter of individual accountability; it is a defining moment for the credibility of Nigeria's anti-corruption efforts and the broader integrity of its legal system.

June 28, 2025

Payment of 50 Billion Naira Earned Academic Allowances (EAA) to University Lecturers After Nearly Two Decades of Indebtedness.

The recent settlement of long-standing Earned Academic Allowances (EAA) owed to university lecturers is a significant milestone. This payment, without a doubt, enhances stability in our higher education system by enabling lecturers to remain focused on their core responsibilities, which are teaching and research.

While it is true that the nation continues to face serious challenges — widespread hunger, insecurity, and the persistent threat of terrorism — this achievement should not go unnoticed.

The fact that this administration has fulfilled its financial obligations to the universities, thereby allowing your children, nieces, nephews, and cousins to remain on campus and benefit from uninterrupted, quality education, deserves acknowledgement or at the very least, a fair measure of understanding.

No economic strategy can succeed if it neglects education or encourages stagnation under the guise of fiscal prudence, as often advocated by the IFC. Growth and development require a balanced approach that invests in people, ideas, and institutions.

To my friends, colleagues, and family members, I ask for your understanding and patience as I share this opinion and support the administration.

Leadership should be judged not only on past grievances, but also on current intentions and future results.

Let us give this administration a fair chance to deliver on its promises while staying alert and committed to constructive engagement.

The Search for a New Democrat: Why It's Time to Go Bold, Not Centrist

 Let’s be honest: the centrist approach just isn’t working.

For years, Democrats have tried to win over Republicans by moving toward the middle, softening language, compromising on policy, dialling back bold ideas, all in the name of bipartisanship. And where has it gotten us? Nowhere meaningful. Meanwhile, Republicans keep shifting further to the right, rejecting anything that even smells like cooperation. It’s time for a reset.

History has shown that Republicans are unlikely to support Democratic initiatives, regardless of their merit or origin. The pursuit of consensus through moderation has proven ineffective and often self-defeating.

Consider the 1996 welfare reform bill (The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act), signed into law by President Bill Clinton. President Clinton, working with Republicans in Congress, moved to the political centre in a strategic bid to win Republican support. Yet, despite this compromise, Republicans never fully embraced him. On the contrary, they led a crusade to impeach him over a contrived perjury charge, showing that appeasement does not equal acceptance.

Similarly, President Barack Obama went beyond the centre, leaning into moderate and even conservative policy territory in hopes of cooperation. The Affordable Care Act, modelled after a plan implemented by Republican Governor Mitt Romney in Massachusetts, should have attracted bipartisan support. Instead, Republicans vehemently opposed it, challenged it repeatedly in the Supreme Court, and sought to repeal it at every turn. The law survived—not because of Republican goodwill, but despite their relentless resistance.

The lesson is clear: Democrats gain nothing by diluting their values in the pursuit of bipartisan approval that will not come.

What the party needs now is bold, articulate, and resilient progressive leaders who are unafraid to champion liberal ideals. Figures like Representatives Jasmine Crockett of Texas, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, and Ilhan Omar of Minnesota embody the courage and clarity the moment demands. These are candidates who energise the base, speak truth to power, and advocate unapologetically for justice, equity, and opportunity.

With more registered voters than Republicans nationwide, Democrats should not cower in caution. The path forward is not through compromise for its own sake, but through conviction and clarity of vision.

Progressive voices like Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts shouldn’t be pushed aside for being “too far left.” They should be front and centre, showing us what real leadership looks like in a time of rising inequality, climate crisis, and institutional breakdown.

The contrast couldn’t be more obvious. On one side are those fighting to build bridges, expand access to healthcare, protect the environment, and restore trust in public institutions. On the other side are those who want to build walls, slash taxes for billionaires, defund education, politicise the Justice Department, and traffic in fear, division, and authoritarianism.

The stakes are too high for half-measures. It’s time for Democrats to stop chasing bipartisan fantasies and start building a bold, future-forward movement. That means backing leaders who aren’t afraid to call themselves liberal or progressive. Because the only way to defeat extremism is with courage, not caution.

Section 15 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria: A Shield for Unity or a Tool for Territorial Invasion?

 

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Does Section 15 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) override the rights of state governors or local landowners regarding the use of land within their jurisdiction?

Can we, in good conscience, reconcile the ongoing armed incursion and territorial occupation by Fulani herders with the spirit and letter of Section 15(2) and (3)(b) of the Constitution that promote national integration and guarantee residency rights? This question became necessary in light of the suffering, unprovoked attacks, and displacement of local farmers across the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria for decades. 

Section 15(4) further states that "the State shall foster a feeling of belonging and of involvement among the various tribes of the Federation to the end that loyalty to the nation shall override sectional loyalties." But how can we speak of national unity when armed groups pledge loyalty not to the Nigerian flag or Constitution, but to an ethnic heritage that disregards national sovereignty?

Let me be clear: this piece is not written to dwell on the atrocities, brutality, or lawlessness of certain Fulani herders. Rather, it is to challenge the dangerous narrative advanced by the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) and echoed by Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed that herders, including those from outside Nigeria, have an unqualified right to graze anywhere in the country under the supposed protection of Section 15 of the Constitution.

That claim is both legally incorrect and morally indefensible.

Section 15(3)(b) does not give anyone the right to trespass on private property, invade cultivated farmland, or dispossess local communities of their ancestral lands. It certainly does not empower individuals to terrorise, kill, or establish de facto control over territory through violence. The right to live and settle anywhere in Nigeria, while constitutionally protected, is not absolute or unilateral. It is subject to laws, local customs, and the property rights of others.

The Constitution protects the collective rights of all Nigerians, not just those of one ethnic group. Land rights remain the legal responsibility of states, and governors are the constitutional custodians of land under the Land Use Act. No provision in Section 15 or anywhere else in the constitution, grants carte blanche for herders or anyone else to violate these laws.

And yet, watching Governor Bala Mohammed’s unrepentant defence of open, unrestricted grazing, even by foreign Fulani, and the deafening silence from his political colleagues, it becomes clear why figures like Sunday Igboho and Nnamdi Kanu have emerged as heroes within their communities.

They may be controversial, but their popularity speaks volumes. They have stepped into a vacuum created by the federal government’s absence, the indifference of security forces, and the helplessness of local leaders. They feel the anguish of their people. They see the pain, and they act, whether rightly or wrongly, because no one else is.

Like millions of Nigerians at home and in the diaspora, they have witnessed the collapse of state protection and the casual erosion of national identity. In the void left by lawlessness and selective governance, they heard a cry for leadership, and they answered. History is now recording the consequences.

If we are truly serious about peace, national unity, and the rule of law, then we must reject both the extremism of violence and the heresy of constitutional distortion. Section 15 is a call for integration, not a license for invasion.

The Bala’s Factor and the Silent Complicity Fueling Nigeria’s Security Crisis - By Barr Alex Aidaghese

In the ongoing crisis between herders and farmers in Nigeria, much has been said about land disputes, resource scarcity, ethnic tensions, and the collapse of law enforcement. However, one of the most dangerous dimensions of this conflict remains largely unspoken: The quiet complicity of some within Nigeria’s political and security establishment.

How else do we explain the consistent failure of security forces to prevent or even respond to deadly attacks in rural communities? It remains baffling how, on August 24, 2021, bandits were able to breach security at the Nigerian Defence Academy, kill two army officers, abduct one officer, and execute him days later, without a single arrest made or credible explanation given? How did they know exactly where to find their targets? Such brazen attacks suggest not just lapses in intelligence but active sabotage or willful neglect from within. To date, none of the perpetrators has been brought to justice.

Even more alarming is the discriminatory or selective efficiency of our security apparatus. The same intelligence service that failed to protect its officers in their own turf was somehow able to organise a covert international operation to apprehend Nnamdi Kanu in Nairobi, Kenya. That operation was executed with surgical precision, demonstrating that Nigerian intelligence services are more than capable when the political will exists. So why has that same energy not been applied to dislodging armed Fulani militias terrorising communities across the Middle Belt and other parts of Nigeria?

This is where the Bala Factor becomes central.

During a televised interview, Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed, defended the right of Fulani herders, including non-herders from outside Nigeria’s borders, to relocate and settle anywhere in Nigeria. His remarks, though controversial and widely criticised, were never withdrawn. They reflect a deeper and more troubling political sentiment, meaning that Nigeria should act as an open refuge for ethnic Fulani, regardless of legality, national interest, or security implications.

The implications of that statement are profound. It blurs the line between legal immigration and unauthorised cross-border movement of armed groups. It sends a signal, intentionally or not, that Nigeria’s territorial integrity can be negotiated, or worse, ignored, compromised, when it comes to certain interests. In doing so, he also contributes, wittingly or unwittingly, to the insecurity that has taken thousands of lives and displaced countless Nigerians from their ancestral lands.

This is not just a rhetorical issue; it has real consequences. Communities across the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria have borne the brunt of violent attacks by herders reportedly armed with military-grade weapons. And yet, despite numerous reports, video evidence, and eyewitness accounts, prosecution remains rare, and convictions are almost nonexistent.

What makes this even more alarming is that the violent clashes attributed to these herders are not occurring across the Sahel or other regions through which they allegedly migrate. They are happening almost exclusively in Nigeria. This suggests the motive is not merely seasonal movement or survival. It points to a more rooted objective: the acquisition of land, specifically Nigerian land.

The Governor Bala Factor — the idea that Nigeria should become a homeland for all Fulani people across the world — is far more than just one governor’s offhand statement. It reflects a deeper, more dangerous political narrative that excuses, or even legitimises, the illegal and often violent occupation of Nigerian territory. 

History reminds us that the voice of one man, left unchallenged, can shift the course of a nation. In 1953, Chief Anthony Enahoro made the motion for Nigeria's independence. It failed, not because of a lack of merit, but because Sir Ahmadu Bello argued the North wasn't ready, citing insufficient trained manpower. Though it was a single opinion, it delayed our journey to freedom. Similarly, in the mid-1970s, Dr. Jibril Aminu argued against free university education, claiming it would not benefit the North and would only widen the educational gap between North and South. Again, one man’s voice, unchallenged, set national progress back. Lastly, can you cite one name from your senatorial district, involved in the drafting of the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria? You can't because there was none involved; it was a one-man's affair. 

So, when Governor Bala Mohammed openly declares that Nigeria should become a grazing ground for Fulani herders from across Sub-Saharan Africa, we must not dismiss it as a mere personal opinion. It echoes a familiar pattern, where early warnings are ignored. Ideological seeds, once planted, grow into deeply rooted national crises. His statement must be treated NOT as an isolated demand, but as a reflection of a long-standing vision that is already being violently realised through the herders’ campaign of brutality, land grabs, and unchecked aggression across Nigeria.

By legitimising foreign Fulani herders’ right to settle and graze in Nigeria, he erodes national sovereignty and blurs the lines between legal migration and unregulated occupation. This rhetoric provides a veneer of political and ideological protection to armed herders operating on Nigerian soil.

In conclusion, does Section 15 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) override the rights of state governors or local landowners regarding the use of land within their jurisdiction?

Can we, in good conscience, reconcile the ongoing armed incursion and territorial occupation by Fulani herders with the spirit and letter of Section 15(2) and (3)(b) of the Constitution that promote national integration and guarantee residency rights? This question became necessary in light of the suffering, unprovoked attacks, and displacement of local farmers across the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria for decades. 

Section 15(4) further states that "the State shall foster a feeling of belonging and of involvement among the various tribes of the Federation to the end that loyalty to the nation shall override sectional loyalties." But how can we speak of national unity when armed groups pledge loyalty not to the Nigerian flag or Constitution, but to an ethnic heritage that disregards national sovereignty?

Let me be clear: this piece is not written to dwell on the atrocities, brutality, or lawlessness of certain Fulani herders. Rather, it is to challenge the dangerous narrative advanced by the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) and echoed by Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed that herders, including those from outside Nigeria, have an unqualified right to graze anywhere in the country under the supposed protection of Section 15 of the Constitution.

That claim is both legally incorrect and morally indefensible.

Section 15(3)(b) does not give anyone the right to trespass on private property, invade cultivated farmland, or dispossess local communities of their ancestral lands. It certainly does not empower individuals to terrorise, kill, or establish de facto control over territory through violence. The right to live and settle anywhere in Nigeria, while constitutionally protected, is not absolute or unilateral. It is subject to laws, local customs, and the property rights of others.

The Constitution protects the collective rights of all Nigerians, not just those of one ethnic group. Land rights remain the legal responsibility of states, and governors are the constitutional custodians of land under the Land Use Act. No provision in Section 15 or anywhere else in the constitution grants carte blanche for herders or anyone else to violate these laws.

And yet, watching Governor Bala Mohammed’s unrepentant defence of open, unrestricted grazing, even by foreign Fulani, and the deafening silence from his political colleagues, it becomes clear why figures like Sunday Igboho and Nnamdi Kanu have emerged as heroes within their communities.

They may be controversial, but their popularity speaks volumes. They have stepped into a vacuum created by the federal government’s absence, the indifference of security forces, and the helplessness of local leaders. They feel the anguish of their people. They see the pain, and they act, whether rightly or wrongly, because no one else is.

Like millions of Nigerians at home and in the diaspora, they have witnessed the collapse of state protection and the casual erosion of national identity. In the void left by lawlessness and selective governance, they heard a cry for leadership, and they answered. History is now recording the consequences.

If we are truly serious about peace, national unity, and the rule of law, then we must reject both the extremism of violence and the heresy of constitutional distortion. Section 15 is a call for integration, not a license for invasion.

We must respond decisively. The state’s sovereignty must be defended. Armed herders exploiting ideological cover must be disarmed, prosecuted, and removed. Political leaders must be held accountable for rhetoric that fuels violence. If Nigeria fails to challenge this today, tomorrow’s chaos will be blamed on today’s silence. We cannot afford to treat armed invasions as cultural misunderstandings or political inconveniences. National security must be blind to ethnic affiliation, and justice must be applied consistently, not selectively.

If we are to reclaim the country from chaos, we must name the complicit, confront the enablers, and restore the integrity of our institutions. And we must reject, unequivocally, any policy, spoken or unspoken, that prioritises politics over people and ethnicity over the rule of law. That begins with the courage to speak uncomfortable truths, no matter how high up they go. 

May God bless you, and may God bless the people of Nigeria

Barr Alex Aidaghese contributed this piece from Abuja, Nigeria

June 20, 2025

Basement Blogger - What We Stand For

On Leadership and Accountability:

Shakespeare once wrote, “Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown.” That line still rings true today. Leadership isn’t easy, and it’s not meant to be. If you’re going to take on the responsibility, you should be ready to invest purpose, integrity, and courage. Not every battle is worth fighting; however, when justice or principle is at stake, stepping up becomes non-negotiable.

Politically, I lean progressive and believe in social welfare. At the same time, I support capitalism, private ownership, and wealth creation. For any economy to truly thrive, the government must play its part by building infrastructure, ensuring security, and creating a conducive environment where entrepreneurs and innovators can flourish.

Foreign investors should be protected, yes, but not at the expense of a nation’s sovereignty. No country, especially developing countries, should have to give up its legislative power or constitutional authority through convoluted stabilisation clauses to attract investment.

Education is the greatest gift a society can offer its children, and the government has a critical role to play in making quality education accessible to all.

I strongly advocate for transparency, freedom of religion, the rule of law, and the independence of the judiciary. These aren’t just ideals; they’re non-negotiables for any society that hopes to grow, prosper, and stay free.

Originally written in September 2011

Must Watch: UK Insider Confesses Nigeria Was Never Meant to Succeed #The...

What the Killings in Benue and Plateau Are Really About

Looking at the charred remains of innocent victims, many of them women and children, you are compelled to ask: What crime did they commit, other than being born into a place and identity they had no control over? It is a horrific scene, one that leaves the conscience burdened and the heart broken.

Watch: Video 1 | Video 2

In what should be a peaceful world, the Benue-Plateau region ought to be a paradise, one of the most fertile lands in Sub-Saharan Africa, rich in heritage, culture, and potential. Instead, this natural gift has become a graveyard of promise: a landscape soaked in blood, and a humanitarian catastrophe marked by mass displacements, ethnic cleansing, and state failure.

A Systematic Campaign of Displacement

The violence sweeping across the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria is not accidental. Despite the politically correct language employed by our leaders, what is unfolding is a deliberate and well-orchestrated campaign of conquest. Armed militias, falsely cloaked in religious garb, have been invading farming communities, slaughtering innocent civilians, and occupying the vacated lands. This is not a religious war. It is a violent land-grab project, executed by a heavily armed and mobile force that appears to enjoy official immunity.

Life in Plateau State, for instance, like the bloody carnage in Five Camps settlements in Edo State, as you will read later, has become a cautionary tale. After repeated invasions by armed Fulani militias, native farmers are abandoning their ancestral lands. Once deserted, these lands are quietly repopulated by “herders,” many of whom arrive from outside Nigeria. The same pattern is visible in parts of Benue, Enugu, Edo, Ondo, and beyond.

Growing up, we could sleep on the farm. Today, farming is a life-threatening act. One ethnic group appears intent on forcibly taking over Nigeria, while those in Abuja look away, or worse, play dumb.

Political Complicity and a Deafening Silence

Some prominent figures, including the Governor of Bauchi State, Mr. Bala Muhammed, have openly hinted at a TV interview, a plan to transform a yet-to-be-identified state or region in Nigeria into a settlement zone for foreign Fulani cousins from across Africa. They believe Nigeria and any part thereof is their inheritance, regardless of the local population, the law, or the Constitution. This is the heart of the conflict. It is not about religion. It is about conquest, power, and impunity. This is what Abuja is unwilling to confront - the clandestine scheming to turn Nigeria into a Fulani enclave. That's what makes the Bala factor very crucial in the ongoing war against the armed squad of the Fulani Herders. 

Unless those responsible for these atrocities are brought to justice, the political class in Abuja should brace for moral, legal, and political collapse. Nigerians must cease to be refugees in their own land.

Let it be said clearly: these invaders and their sponsors can never inherit Benue/Plateau, or any Nigerian territory. The land belongs to the indigenous people and every law-abiding citizen, irrespective of his or her ethnicity or religious background.

State Security’s Role: A Pattern of Betrayal

One of the most troubling aspects of the herder–farmer conflict in Nigeria, rarely addressed in depth, is the tacit complicity of certain members of the armed forces. This complicity may manifest in two ways: either through active facilitation of attacks or a deliberate unwillingness to respond before or during such incidents.

It remains baffling how bandits were able to breach security at the Nigerian Defence Academy, abduct army officers, and execute them days later. How did they know exactly where to find their targets? To date, none of the perpetrators has been brought to justice.

Even more perplexing is the contrast with how swiftly Nigerian security operatives coordinated a cross-border operation to apprehend Nnamdi Kanu in Nairobi, Kenya, executing the mission with remarkable precision and without incident. That capability raises the question: Why has it been so difficult to apprehend heavily armed Fulani militias operating within Nigeria?

This is where what I call the Bala Factor becomes essential to consider in any serious strategy against banditry and armed Fulani aggression. (Watch out for my essay on The Balas Factor in the ongoing conquest mission throughout Nigeria).

On February 14, 2018, a vigilante leader named Efe, from a village on the outskirts of Benin City, was executed in cold blood by a member of the Nigerian Armed Forces. The shocking event unfolded like a scene from a gangster movie. Efe’s only “crime” was the apprehension of armed herders violating their women and desecrating their community. Ironically, the same military personnel who killed Efe for protesting their apparent complicity went on to release the apprehended herdsmen who had invaded and destroyed the community's farmlands.

Efe’s execution was not an isolated case. A similar incident (aiding, abetting, and facilitating conquest) occurred in Uguleshi, located in the Agwu Local Government Area of Enugu State. There, men in military uniforms stormed the village and arrested 76 farmers, not for violence, but for allegedly planning a protest against herdsmen who had been terrorising the community, destroying farmlands, and raping their women. These farmers were detained, I believe at Umuahia, for weeks. Meanwhile, the actual perpetrators of the violence, rape, and destruction were never apprehended – they remain invisible to the same security forces who came to the village to execute arrest, just to preempt alleged protest. Same country, but different standard of legal process. 

Still in Enugu State, on April 25, 2016, roughly 500 armed herdsmen launched a predawn attack on Nimbo Village. By 7 a.m., they were killing every human in sight. The evening before the attack, the state governor was alerted, who in turn informed the Commissioner of Police and other federal authorities in Abuja.t According to a press report, the Director of the State DSS and Commissioner of Police assured him that all was safe, and he went to bed. Yet, when the attackers struck the next morning, there was no response, no police intervention, no military presence. The killers entered the village, murdered, maimed, and vanished, unhindered and unchallenged. Later that day, the governor appeared on television, weeping over the corpses, while the government issued the usual empty threats. The Bloodletting by Herdsmen in Enugu – THISDAYLIVE

It’s the same story in Aguta Village in Benue State about a decade ago, where innocent boarding school children were butchered and hanged on stakes like animals. It is the same story across the Middle Belt and the entire South. Bloodbath in Benue - The Nation Newspaper. Watch: Video | Video

The security lapses and complicit incidents are too many to count. On 23^rd February, 2025, armed herders invaded what the locals called Five Camps in Ovia South Local Government Area in Edo State, about 8 a.m. in the morning. They came, butchered every human being on sight and burned down their houses. See the video story by Efosa Uwaigwe of ITV News. Today, those camps are no more. Please, viewer discretion is advised. 

The Sunday Jackson Case: Justice in Reverse

Perhaps the most disturbing symbol of state bias is the Supreme Court’s recent decision to uphold the death sentence of Sunday Jackson, a farmer from Demsa LGA, Adamawa State. Jackson was attacked by a Fulani herder armed with a knife. Despite sustaining injuries, Jackson defended himself and fatally wounded his assailant. Yet, after seven years in pre-trial detention, he was sentenced to death. Northern CAN Condemns Supreme Court Ruling Upholding Death Penalty for Adamawa Farmer in Disputed Self-Defence Case – Middlebelt Times.

To be sentenced to death for not running from his attacker after dispossessing him of the knife, exemplifies the privileged and protected class the armed cattle herders are in Nigeria, which proves to them the audacity to be law breakers and brutish. In most jurisdictions, this would qualify as self-defence or, at worst, involuntary manslaughter. The judgment affirms a terrifying reality: in today’s Nigeria, a farmer defending his life can be executed while armed invaders walk free. The problem with the Supreme Court’s verdict on Jackson. 

Following the Money and the Borders

Former Kaduna Governor Nasir El-Rufai once admitted that the attackers are not Nigerians. He even travelled to the Sahel to compensate foreign Fulani herders whose cattle were allegedly rustled in Nigeria. The Governor's journey ought to provide a good lead to unravelling the mystery that ensconced the herders' troubled voyage.  Who owns the cattle? Who arms the Killing Squad? And why is the traverse into and within the Nigerian territory an easy foray? FLASHBACK: How We Paid Some Fulani To Stop Killings In Southern Kaduna, Says El-Rufai | Sahara Reporters. There is much to this cross-border compensatory engagement that meets the eye. You cannot know the herders whose cattle have been rustled, without a glimpse of those behind the mask, facilitating herders' carnage all over Nigeria. 

If these attackers are indeed foreign, Nigerians have every right to defend their land and lives. A court may rule otherwise, but natural law, morality, and survival instincts do not.

What Now?

At this juncture, can the NSA, the IGP, and the Chief of Army Staff face the nation and say: Never again? Can they promise that no Nigerian will be forced to be a refugee in their own land? If not, Nigerians will make that declaration for them: Enough is enough.

As I was editing this piece, I came across a video of President Tinubu visiting survivors in Benue, and in one instance, he asked a Police officer why no arrests had been made. Tinubu visits survivors of Yelewata attack in Benue hospital - Vanguard News. While this show of empathy is welcome, it must be matched with action. The President must tell his security chiefs: This must stop. No more excuses. Justice must be swift. Not a single inch of Nigeria’s territory is up for grabs. And hearing the President asking the Police Officers in the locality why no arrest has been made was heart-warming. 

A Call to Nigerians

So what can we, as Nigerians, do?

We must unite across tribes and faiths to safeguard the dignity of all citizens. We must demand accountability, protect our communities, and expose those who profit from division and chaos. At the community level, one thing is clear: armed or unarmed herders posing a threat must leave. Peaceful co-existence is impossible without justice and respect. Know your history and learn from the experience of the Tiv, Idoma, Latang, and the Hausa, etc - you accommodate them, you risk exposing your descendants to becoming permanent refugees in their own country and second-class citizens in their father’s land. 

Therefore, if in a moment of peril, security response might not be swift, and knowing that justice may likely be unkind to you in the event of self-defence, even when commensurate with the attack, then you are left with one option: Say no to Fulani Herders settlement in your community. Settlement facilitates criminality and aggression; without settlement, there wouldn't be confrontation or trespassing. That must be the starting point - zero tolerance for open grazing and Fulani settlement. 

Finally, to the victims and their families, my heart bleeds for you. You were killed not for crimes, but for being who you are, where you are. May your souls find peace, and may justice find those responsible.