Wednesday, January 9, 2013

Social Intelligence - Part One: Disagreeing With a Constitutional Law Professor

Making My Own Rules and Managing Risks in the Face of Disappearing Opportunities: My Encounter With A Constitutional Law Professor. 

It was in a Constitutional Law class, and the topic was the United Nations (UN) reform and restructuring. The contentious issue was the effectiveness of the Veto Power wielded by the five permanent members of the Security Council vis-a-vis the numerical strength and vote of the General Assembly regarding the demand for restructuring by the United States Congress. As the lecture progresses, it isn't difficult for discerning minds to conclude that the Professor has not been favorably disposed towards the United States, judging by his anti-American digress. But he is a Western-trained lawyer, thus making it more difficult for me to fathom any cogent explanation for his blatant bias and animosity. 

I am a very reserved and stoic gentleman student, but do always command a profoundly authoritative and untouchable kind of guy demeanour. I hardly ask a question in class, and never answer any unless called upon. In and outside of campus, I make friends with only those I want to talk to - and I always know if someone is worth my time and attention within the first five minutes of my interaction with him or her. Indeed, I could afford to stay away from guys who I consider socially unenlightened, especially those who are plainly handicapped by environmental factors, yet are unwilling to embrace changes or accept correction. However, with my Lecturer, whom I like and love so much, it was a different story. I wasn't going to walk away or sit tight and watch as he propagates a time-worn ideological mumble-jumble. 

I made up my mind to express my view on the subject, not necessarily because of his anti-American vibes, but to put a lie to his illogical assertion that the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) can apply its numerical strength and voting power to override any resolution taken by the Security Council, thereby neutralizing the efficacy of the Veto Power. In other words, American exercises of its Veto Power can be rendered ineffective by a majority vote in the General Assembly. 

I had had enough. The moment he stopped talking, I started speaking, straight from my seat where I was sitting. “Sir, though your comment may sound reasonable and seemingly aggressive, it does not hold true in fact in light of what is going on at the moment at the UN. Adding to that Sir, given American status as the most influential financial member of the UN, and the fact that it is presently contributing about 90% of the UN funding, America will use its financial leverage to cripple the institution or use it to compel it to adopt the reform programs or restructuring it deems appropriate, without even going to the Security Council to exercise its veto power.” And I stopped talking. There was total silence in the classroom. No sigh, and no sound. To say that the Professor was flabbergasted and ruffled is an understatement.

When he gathered his composure, he asked for my name, and I told him. Then he said: Mr. A, next time you want to make a comment or contribute to a discussion in my class, the right thing to do is to raise your hand, and then I will recognise you.  That is only when you have to speak. At that moment, a pang of guilt encapsulates the entire me. And, without any hesitation or deliberation, I offered an unpretentious apology for my unprofessional conduct. He accepted my apology, but added, surprisingly, “The comment you just made is an extra five points for you ahead of the final exam in this class.” Hearing that, I relaxed and heaved a sigh of relief.

A few days later, a classmate, who at present, a very successful and, of course, a popular lawyer in Nigeria, accosted me with a well-choreographed question. He called out my name, and I waited. Then he walked towards me and asked politely. Which book did you read about that comment you made in class yesterday? My response was instantaneous and swift. I did not read it in any book. I responded. Where then did you get the information from? He asked. I read The Guardian Newspaper every day. I replied. So the Guardian Newspaper publishes it? He asked. I looked at him and said, The Guardian did not publish the story. Before he could ask the next question, I looked at him and said, You won't understand. Then I began to walk away. At that point, he retorted in his usual amusing way: I knew long ago that there is something about you.  And he walked away. It was the early Nineties. And American Congress was exerting enormous pressure on the UN to reform itself. 

Less than two years later, Boutros Boutros-Ghali became the UN Secretary-General. He did not serve a second term for an obvious reason: America vetoed his candidacy or re-election. That was not unexpected; he had a turbulent relationship with the United States members of Congress over his refusal or reluctance to implement the restructuring reforms that they championed and demanded of the UN. Not surprisingly, America openly tied or conditioned its continued funding of the body to the willingness of the Secretary-General to comply and adopt the reforms that they wanted for the institution. (By the way, then, America was the only major financial contributor to the United Nations, before the Japanese government stepped in a few years later). 

It was a battle of wits between Boutros Boutros-Ghali and the American government throughout his first and only term at the UN. As the impasse lasted, the General Council couldn't do anything, and not even a vote was initiated by any of its members. In the end, the reforms – drastic cuts in the workforce and expenditure accounts, as well as elimination of nonviable programs – demanded by the American Congress were all implemented in line with my audacious declaration in my Constitutional Law class in faraway Nigeria, about fifteen months earlier. 

What I do know is that the Nigerian Guardian Newspaper did not publish any story of that nature. What is true, though, is that reading the Guardian Newspaper and the international Time Magazine, unfailingly every day and every week respectively, places me in a position where I could take a stand or make an informed judgment on any domestic or global issue, and be authoritatively right on point. 

In hindsight, you don't have to be an intellectual, a prophet, or a philosopher to be able to visualise the bigger picture ahead and put it in a proper perspective. It is about common sense - of innate wisdom, made rich by your immediate surroundings as a child, of sacrifices and aspirationsIt is a choice: who am I, who do I want to be, and how do I make the man I want to be a better man, given the ultimate goal? That mindset defines the man in me as reflected in what we have written so far on this Blog. It is about the depth of reasoning, wisdom, thought, and the ability to articulate them effortlessly and fearlessly. And the most important part of it all is remembering to implement them when the opportunity places you in a position to do so or casts you close to power. That's what makes the difference in any leadership. 

You will be reading more of that in Parts Two, Three, Four, and Five. That is what "Social Intelligence: Making My Own Rules and Managing Risks in the Face of Disappearing Opportunities" is all about.

Watch out for Parts Two, Three, Four, and Five.

Leadership Crisis vs Sovereign National Conference: The Way Forward.

Over the years, I have deliberately excused myself from the call for SNC, because I still believe that leadership and corruption epidemic are the major problems confronting Nigeria as a nation-state. My other fear is that when SNC is eventually convened, the same old political careerists who debased and wrecked this great nation would have control over the selection of potential delegates to the conference. And thirdly, the people making the call do not have a clear message. There is no existing coherent strategy for its actualization.

Historically, the idea for an SNC was originally conceived by the progressives and social activists (not political careerists) in order to wrest power from the over bloated and under-performing power clique at the center headed by the Military. As it is today, the demand has been unduly politicized to the extent that any mention of SNC is perceived as a call for disintegration of Nigeria. And that is a misconception that must be corrected fast.

In addition, SNC has no visible leadership at the moment. What is going on behind the scene is basically power play – political careerists, presently left out of power and influence, have resorted to agitating for SNC, making it a north versus south affair. They hijacked it and transformed it into a struggle for power between it and the often reviled northern power elite groups. That is an insider war that southern progressives and social activists must first win - taking the demand out of the reach and control of politicians. 

SNC, as originally created is not an exercise in vain. But it has to be refined and given a new meaning to sync with realities on the ground. There are fundamental national issues that need to be addressed - Nigerian secular nature, free education at all level, religion and the state, population, regional autonomy, the un-education of greater majority of northern children by successive northern administrators, and finally, land ownership and division of offshore mineral deposit between the coastal states and the central government.

It is not enough to give a one liner argument, stating that you need a Sovereign National Conference, without actually saying why you need it. We had enough of the noise about the mistake of 1914 and the amalgamation brouhaha. Be substantive. Take a cue from conservative Northern Governors; they don't debate issues they consider sacrosanct or germane to their political, cultural, and religious interests with anyone outside of the geographical north. For instance, the promulgation of Sharia Law or the introduction of Native Police in most part of the northern region was never a subject of national referendum oe debate. It doesn't matter whether it benefits the generality of northern residents or the rest of the country, provided that the ruling class (northern political leaders and northern Governors) are secured in their hold on power. 

Therefore, SNC is for progressives to lose. The untold truth is that there is no southern or progressive agenda, as we have a northern and conservative agenda, headed by the Arewa Consultative Group or Forum, and supported by the Northern Governor Association. What we have in the south is a collection of political interest groups masquerading as concerned citizens and activists, without a clear purpose and mandate. Also, there is no marriage of thoughts existing between SNC advocates, Southern Governors, and members of the National Assembly from the region.

That void must first be arrested for southern consensus and progressive agenda to evolve and given effect at the national level. The involvement of members of the National Assembly of southern heritage is sacrosanct to addressing the grievances underlying the demand for SNC. 

Therefore, you must first identify those issues and grievances succinctly and articulate them unambiguously to develop winnable argument and populist agenda. Finally, if you cannot articulate the issues, which in fact is true, set up a body to advice you on the subject similar to what the Northern Governors did few months ago with respect to the PIB - Petroleum Industry Bill. You cannot continue talking about change, if you cannot articulate the change or changes that you desire. Second step: Organize, organize, and organize. You don't have to wait for the President and the National Assembly to intervene and approve of your demand, before you start the briefing process through summit and conferences. Third step: Know your audience, and speak the English that people can easily understand. 

Finally, the complexities inherent in the governance of Nigeria as a single sovereign-nation, as we have seen and experienced over the years, makes distorted federalism expendable - something we can do with, and in its place have true semi-autonomous regional government. Over the decades, it has been proven beyond doubt that Federal Government cannot police and protect our wealth and riches. At the same time, it lacks the ability and the strategic wherewithal to manage and apply the wealth and the riches equitably for sustainable use and benefit for everyone. Therefore, there is no reasonable ground allowing the central government to remain in complete and perpetual control of the wealth and the riches of our great nation. Thus, making the call for decentralization of power from the over-bloated central government to the component units or regional councils a compelling consideration.

In a nutshell, the problems described here at the federal level have been with us for ages. It is the handiwork of the same political and business leaders with power and influence who dominate our political system and benefit immensely from the spineless federal government. It has become too monstrous and too complex for the leadership clique to manage. Therefore, we should, without equivocation, develop some mechanisms to take power back to the people. Let's start the discussion from there. You already have enough talking points from this article. It is not a northern issue or a southern issue. It is a national question. Let's meet and organize. SNC might not happen in your life time. If it does happen, Nigeria wins and it is fine with me.

Saturday, January 5, 2013

Yakowa's Death, Proposed Mansion for the VP, and Wastage in Nigeria


Today, Education is not free, and Healthcare provision is out of the reach of ordinary Nigerians. In a country so rich in mineral resources, ordinarily, these programs would have been of easy reach by every Nigerian, but due to unbridled wastage of our oil wealth and the massive fraud in high places, healthcare and quality education are foreign to Nigerians.  It has been so since time immemorial. While acquisition of private jets is presently the vogue and a N9 billion house proposal for the Vice President has disturbingly taken a center stage in national discussion, President Jonathan, Ministry of Niger Delta, and NDDC are yet to develop a blueprint on how to link Yenagoa in Bayelsa State with Port Harcourt in River State by a modern highway system.

The IBB Government built the Third Mainland Bridge mainly through water and swamp. He did not waver in his resolve to link the Lagos mainland with the Island. His government was conscious of the fact that, given the enormous flow of Petrodollar, financing the project, no matter the exorbitant cost,  would not be difficult to execute. Similarly, the same IBB Government, followed by Abacha's regime, expedited the relocation and finalisation of the construction of a new Federal Capital. Also, they both knew that the flow of the Petrodollar would make the realisation a foregone conclusion. 

You may want to argue, if you wish, that the FCT project was accelerated because IBB was certain that remaining in Lagos City was strategically inadvisable. No matter your conclusion, you will no doubt agree with me that today, Aso Rock, presently being occupied by an unexpected visitor from one of the minority tribes, belongs to no one in particular. IBB stepped aside, and Abacha is no more. And the Federal Capital Territory has become a City that we can now proudly say we built with our own wealth and sweat. It is about taking action.

Mr. President, you have the time, and you have the Petrodollar, as well. You have no excuse to give, if your administration cannot link the Niger Delta with the rest of the country with modern highway system that will stand the test of time - rain, storm, wind, and flood. 

Indeed, the topography is swampy, porous and precarious. If our Federal Government and Oil Companies could construct oil pipe-lines throughout the same swampy and muddy water of the Niger Delta to the main land of Nigeria, why can't the same Federal Government in collaboration with Oil Companies build for Nigerians and the people of the Niger Delta, a highway system that we can proudly leave behind for future generations?  

Mr. President, that is a question you must start to answer. You have the Ministry of Niger Delta, NDDC, Your Honorable Self and Your Highly Esteemed Office. What else can people possibly ask for in a country?  I will repeat a line I used elsewhere on this Blog - a line that I memorised in my Economics class in my Grammar School days: "Money is not needed for its material composition, but what it can purchase."

The late Professor Ambrose Ali initiated, and, in fact, started the construction of a State University in his village, Ekpoma. Today, it is a national institution, and it is named after him. Without equivocation, I am proud to declare that I am a worthy alumnus of the institution. And there are thousands of Bendelites and Nigerians like me who would not have gotten their bachelor's or graduate degrees, but for that institution. 

What do you want to be remembered for, Mr. President? Identifying, arresting, and indicting public funds embezzlers and bogus petroleum marketers, without the audacity and strategic legal mechanisms to convict them and recoup our stolen wealth? It is one thing to indict and arrest, but it takes more to convict and recover the loot. That is where your administration is failing badly. Time will tell. But now, time is certainly not in your favour. 

Take your mind and attention off 2015 and make the best out of now. 2015 will take care of itself if all is well, and if and only if you stay on the side of the people and do the right thing. You should be content with the fact that the resentment of PDP (your party) by Nigerians does not translate into acceptance of the present leadership of the opposition parties by Nigerian voters. Be that as it may, the absence of credible opposition does not in similar vein translate into a victory for PDP in 2015. Anything could happen. (Guys, take your mind off disintegration; that is not happening, and is not what I am talking about here)

Granted, Nigeria is not a monolithic society culturally and socially, but hunger and starvation, joblessness and hopelessness do not know colour or regional boundaries. They speak the same language: Mass Revolt. So, no one should take the loyalty of the unaffiliated Nigerians for granted. Mr. President, you have three years from this very moment to make significant or radical changes in our political system and take power back from the stranglehold of special interests and the old-school and the young-school political careerists who are wreaking havoc on our political system.   

The death of Governor Yakowa and Retired Security Adviser, General Azazi, sad as they are, must be an eye opener to you and the numerous wealthy Nigerian private jet and helicopter enthusiasts, to wit it might be faster in the air, but it is no longer as safe as it is on the ground. Give us good roads, and the rickety and dilapidated archaic aircraft whose history and airworthiness no one can readily vouch for will become a thing of the past. And Azazi and Yakowa would still be alive today. 

Indeed, God knows best, but if General Azazi and Governor Yakowa had travelled by road - a supposedly one-hour ride - chances are that they would not have gone so soon the way they did. Enough of projects that do not benefit Nigerians. This is not about Vice President Sambo. The truth is that he does not need a N9 Billion house. It doesn't matter whether we have the Petrodollar to finance it. What is disconcerting is that the project is what reasonable minds think it is - a massive investment of spurious value. Nigeria deserves better. 

Presidential jets are not for keeps. And Aso Rock is not a permanent abode. You will need that road in the distant future. Ask Obasanjo. 

Merry Christmas, Mr. President, and a 2013 of limitless prosperity.

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