http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/opinion/columnist/173224-awoyokun-g-g-darah-the-north-and-resource-control - By Damola Awoyokun for The Guardian.
Blogger's Comment:
The piece below was originally
written for the Guardian Newspaper of Nigeria by Mr. Damola Awoyokun. It is republished
here courtesy of the Guardian. That I stand for one strong Nigeria made up of semi-autonomous states is not in doubt. I have consistently, and in no ambiguous term, maintained that position on this Blog. Nevertheless, holding such patriotic position
shouldn't preclude me or anyone else from articulating how Nigeria descended to present state of hopelessness, to the extent that most commentators and some regional leaders, are now calling for disintegration.
This is not a blaming game. It is all about a reminder - how did we get here? It's about redirecting and preventing our "geographical expression" from its dangerous cascade into oblivion.
What Mr. Awoyokun did here is what has been lacking or missing within the Nigerian intellectual class south of the Niger River over the years. A Northern intellectual would, as always, contrive some hypotheses, richly embellished throughout with bogus claims, and call it the true story of that aspect of the Nigerian project. Because southern academics and intellectuals do not consider rebuttal of any importance, or in most cases, completely unaware of the existence of such memos, the government of the day would willing buy into such bogus claims hook, line and sinker.
Thanks to the emergence of social media, things are beginning to change for the better. Those who would not have had the opportunity to get published in the traditional news media are now able to air their opinions about the Nigerian project through different means. They are the ones daring all the ethnic chauvinist Junaid Mohammeds of the north on national issues. They are the ones challenging southern academics and established columnists to live up to their titles - be contemporary, relevant and be useful. They are the ones proving ready materials/solutions on how to transform the Nigeria project and move it forward. That's what we do here.
For instance, when some vocal northerners, who, arguably, are not true representatives of larger northerners, came up in the past one year with a very bizarre and superfluous conjecture to the effect that petroleum refineries in the Niger Delta were financed with proceeds from exploitation/exploration of natural resources in the Northern Region, Professor Itse Sagay came up with a timely rebuttal - disputing and putting a lie to every claim in those essays. He gave a historical and factual analysis of how crude oil was discovered, financed and harnessed in the Niger Delta by foreign oil multinationals under a production sharing agreement/arrangement with the Nigerian Federal Government. Prior to the emergence of social media, you would not have been able to read something of that nature from the Professor. They stay in their studies, minding their text books and lecture notes, or writing about corruption, while pocket of northern intellectuals, working with Military Governments, hijack issues of state and local government creation.
Mr. Awoyokun is doing exactly in this article what Professor Sagay did few months ago with respect to oil and groundnuts. It is very important that we hear the other side of the story. It is not about sentiments. It is not about ethnic hatred. It is about facts. It is on that premise that I bring before you, courtesy of Mr. Awoyoku and the Guardian Newspaper, some historical facts about Nigeria, and specifically, about how oil came to displaced groundnuts pyramids in the Northern Region of Nigeria. Happy reading.
"IT is the patriotic duty of every Nigerian to dance on the grave of General Sani Abacha. Contrary to the Levickian PR his supporter Prof. G.G. Darah did for him in his article Dancing on Abacha and Yar Aduas’ Graves (The Guardian, July 17-18, 2014), Abacha remains the most despicable leader Nigeria ever had. He killed Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni 8; he is believed to have a hand in the killing of Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola, Suliat Adedeji, Rear Admiral Olu Omotehinwa, Dr. Omatshola, Musa Yar’Adua, Madam Tinubu while others like Alex Ibru and Pa Abraham Adesanya were his near-misses. Countless students whose name we don’t even know were massacred while standing up for the democratic ideals of June 12. We pay tribute to Wole Soyinka, Anthony Enahoro, Gani Fawehinmi, Beko Ransome-Kuti, Frank Kokori, General Akinrinade, Hassan Kukah, Olisa Agbakogba, Ayo Obe, Chima Ubani, Dan Sulaiman, Kayode Fayemi, Emeka Anyaoku, Femi Falana, Sola Adeyeye and some of our finest and fearless journalists and editors still around today: Odia Ofeimun, Nosa Igiebor, Chris Anyanwu, Babafemi Ojudu, Kunle Ajibade, Bayo Onanuga, Dapo Olorunyomi, Akin Adesokan, Ogaga Ifowodo, Niran Malaolu, Osifo-Whiskey, and others assassinated like James Bagauda Kaltho. These illustrious Nigerians formed the minds of my generation and made it impossible for us to believe lies. Today, Nigerians should hug themselves with tears of joy and say, yes, we survived that evil monster."
"In 1905, backed by the BCGA’s reconnaissance report, Winston Churchill, an MP for Lancashire reported in the House of Commons that Northern Nigeria had been discovered to offer a reliable and rich production of cotton. Investment there must therefore be allowed to proceed. But the only problem was the absence of mechanised, business-friendly and export-compliant transportation network. Lugard was a great military strategist and an indefatigable administrator but he was not a good engineering director. So in 1906 when Lugard as the Governor of Northern Nigeria submitted proposals for “Continuous Administration,” by which he would still be able to govern his protectorate even when he was out of the country for a long time, Churchill as the undersecretary for Colonies rejected it and Lugard resigned in September. As the Yoruba say, eni ti a fe sun ni ina to tun fi epo para, 2 ge 4 (He whom we plan to roast alive is even beautifying his own skin with petroleum jelly. Ride on)."
"In the Commons when Churchill was asked what kind of financial stress a huge railway network to connect a region bigger than the size of France and Italy put together was going to inflict on Britain’s budget, he replied: “The cost of the railway extension at present authorised will be met by Southern Nigeria, so that the British taxpayer will not be affected” (Hansard, 19th December 1906). Sir Percy Girouard came in and delivered the 366 mile Baro-Kano railway line at £3,800 per mile - half the price of Lugard’s projection. In 1912 with his proposals for Continuous Administration accepted, Lugard was brought back from Honk Kong to deliver access to the sea with frictionless fluency by amalgamating the two independent countries. What we call colonisation was to Britain business opportunity."
"The railways were fine, the weather cooperated, the Sultan of Sokoto and Shehu of Borno had pledged their loyalty, cotton was blooming in Gusau and Funtua the same way they blossomed in Mississippi and Alabama; Tin had been discovered in Jos, groundnuts, tobacco, ginger, hide and skin had been added to the mix. What followed was 50 years of aggressive and unbridled “business opportunities.” The figures leapt for joy. From 200 tonnes before the railways, groundnut export shot up to 41,000 tonnes in 1915. In 1949, a year after the North was amalgamated legislatively with the South, the 10 tonnes of cotton and 378,000 tonnes of groundnuts were exported compared to 103 tonnes of cocoa from the South. By 1961, the North was responsible for 37.8% of world’s supply of groundnuts."
"By 1963, groundnut exports soared to 650,000 tonnes fetching the Northern marketing board a cool £46 million. The booming northern economy also generated an ultra-wealthy rich class. In the mid-twenties, Alhassan Dantata swiftly replaced Captain Labulo Davies, Alli-Balogun, J.H. Doherty, William Akinola Dawodu, Braimah Igbo, J.K. Coker, Karimu Kotun who were the earlier richest men from the South. When UAC, a subsidiary of Unilever which controlled 80% of Nigeria’s exports started out in the North, they needed someone who would go around to the farmers and buy their products and encourage them to grow more and more cash crops needed in Europe. They found Dantata, a small time but willing trader and made him their agent. All those iconic pyramids of groundnuts by railway lines which were the towering symbols of North’s wealth were the handiwork of Dantata."
"All that changed in 1966. From an economic giant, the North became a welfare case. When farmers harvest their groundnuts or cotton or hides and skin, they take them to the middlemen or directly to nearest UAC or John Holt warehouses for cash. The top staff of these companies were British while the record keepers, warehouse supervisors were mostly Igbo. Also due to literacy differences, clerks of the civil service, post and telegraph operators, electricity corporation’s maintenance technicians, the water treatment workers, foremen of construction gangs were mostly Igbo. Those who drive the trains, service train engines, give train signals and the train stations supervisors were mostly Igbo. Laird, Britain’s deputy high commissioner in Kaduna wrote of Northerners who could have held these jobs: “They seem to have little desire to improve their way of live…Any money left after paying their taxes is spent on purchasing a new wife or new bicycle…”
"Then it started on May 28, 1966. Based on a flawed estimate of ordinary Igbo’ culpability in the coup of January 15 and Ironsi’s handling of the affair, then began a systematic effort to ensure every Igbo in the North that was not dead must be made afraid to stay. It mattered less that most of these Igbo were born and bred in the North and do not have residences in the East. Up to two million fled. Even those that were working on Kainji dam project were quickly airlifted to Ogbomosho when report came to Impregrelio, the Italian civil engineering giant that the murderous yaniska (sons of wind) were mobilising with fanatical ferocity in Minna ready to storm the construction site and dispossess it of every Igbo worker. According to archive records, 50 were killed and 900 safely evacuated. The Briton, who was the engineering supervisor of the Zaria train depot said he witnessed one of his own train mechanics murder five of his co-workers because they were Igbo."
"When the dust settled, it was discovered farmers who managed to haul their harvests to the warehouses could not sell them because the trains were not working. Dymond, the Deputy British High Commissioner travelled to the North to survey the extent of the damage. When Lugard sewed up the country and became the governor-general, instead of governing from Lagos, he governed from the North because he had the dream that with effective management, the North can be a new India for the Empire. Cumming-Bruce saw that dream in tatters as he surveyed the place from October 2 – 13, 1966. Then the civil war came and after it, instead of going back to the status quo, Petroleum Decree No. 51 brought a new source of easy money more stupendous than reliance on agriculture. American Civil war led to the rise of the North as an economic giant, the Nigerian Civil war ended it."
"Wrote G.G. Darah: “It was the Gowon-Awolowo diarchy that abolished the derivation principle and funnelled all the revenue to the ravenous central government under the guise of depriving the breakaway Biafra Republic of 1967-1970 of funds to prosecute the civil war.” This is incorrect. The Petroleum Decree was signed on November 26, 1969, 29 months into the war and roughly a month before it was over. The war was funded with war bonds, sales of gold jewellery donated by Biafran women, donations from Biafrans abroad, reserve currencies from two regional branches of Central Bank, international aid diverted into arms purchase, sale of palm oil, and most importantly, cash loans and arms from the Charles De Gaulle’s Government. In April 1969, another $12 million was deposited in a Moroccan bank awaiting Biafran emissaries to arrive to pick it up. Oil money was not used to fund the war even though it was the centre of it for both sides. For instance, Adekunle’s battalion which later Became Third Marine Commando was not tasked to go and win the war, that was for Danjuma’s First Division or Murtala Mohammed’s Second. Adekunle was tasked to deprive the Biafrans of access to the sea, liberate the oil producing regions and secure oil facilities so that the oil companies will know who should have the next royalties."
"The Petroleum Decree was promulgated in November 1969 because 1970 was a year of pay since royalties were paid every three years then. (Even Biafran war bonds had 1970 and 1973 maturity dates). The last pay was for the Federal Government and the Eastern Region as usual. But since the last pay, the Eastern Region had been broken up into Eastern Central State with no oil and Rivers and Cross River states with all the oil. The Decree then routed all the revenues from territorial areas and continental shelves to the Federal purse. What that eventually created was the dictatorship of the centre. Whether the country was under democratic regime or military junta, federalism or regionalism, Nigerians are chained to the dictates of centre. And this dictatorship is enhanced by the fragmentation of the country into more states. Nigeria started out as two independent countries. Economic calculus brought the two together not political expediency or ethnic pacifications. But the partitioning of the country into more states was being driven by political and ethnic pacifications not economic imperatives. And this always enhances dictatorship of the centre since many of these states are not self-sustaining and huge amount of money would be lost to bureaucratic overheads. The first test for existence of any state should be, if the Federal Government does not give or take any revenue from me, would I survive? If not, the state should not be created because the meagre resources of Peter would have to be robbed to pay Paul."
"Finally, to help the North get back on its feet, the confab delegates must break the dictatorship of the centre by insisting on resource control. That is what Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni 8 stood for. The North used to be the Niger Delta of Nigeria. The two million that fled during the 1966 ethnic cleansing were there because of the economic opportunities that the North had to offer. Bola Ige, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Emeka Ojukwu were born by parents who went to seek refuge in the North’s economic prosperity. Therefore, the North must not underestimate its own potential by rejecting resource control. A new quest for wealth through foreign investments and provision of technical training for all would force the North to compromise on retrogressive practices and ancient beliefs that stand in the way of modern economic prosperity."
"On the other hand, the responsible and honourable leaders of the South-South should not settle for less than they are. A no deal is better than a bad deal. Because in the future, if a Dokubo, Boyloaf, Togo, Ekpemupolo or any of their ilk blows up the Niger Delta or kidnap foreign workers, we shall not call them resource control activists or Niger Delta Justice advocates, we shall call them terrorists. For this is the time to comprehensively articulate their grievances and stand their ground. Anything short of this becomes not the North’s fault, not the Federal Government’s, not the oil companies’ but their own fault."
• Awoyokun is a writer and historian.