Nigeria: National Assembly Retains The Immunity Clause in the 1999 Constitution.
YES, WE DID IT AGAIN.
We championed the retention of Section 308 (the Immunity Clause) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in our leading article, titled "IMMUNITY: THE SCOPE AND EXTENT OF SECTION 308 OF THE 1999 CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA" written June 04, 2012.
Today, we are glad that the National Assembly thought it fit to retain the section in its entirety, despite the strident demands for it removal by numerous commentators on social media. Not left out of the abrogation crusade are the new progressives who are desperately laying claims - bogus or real - to populist identity.
After all was said and done, informed, objective, and reasonable judgment prevailed over superficial arguments. We did not only blaze the trail with our retention pitch, we developed a compelling narrative whose marketing needn't much convincing. It speaks for itself.
What most liberal and progressive commentators are unwilling to accept is the fact that the large-scale corruption in Nigeria, especially at the Executive level, has nothing to do with the Immunity Clause. It is the inability of law enforcement agencies, EFCC, and ICPC to live up to the demands of their respective offices and positions. Where are the impeached Governor of Adamawa State and the other corruption-personified former Governors who are no longer protected by Section 308?
Today, we are glad that the National Assembly thought it fit to retain the section in its entirety, despite the strident demands for it removal by numerous commentators on social media. Not left out of the abrogation crusade are the new progressives who are desperately laying claims - bogus or real - to populist identity.
After all was said and done, informed, objective, and reasonable judgment prevailed over superficial arguments. We did not only blaze the trail with our retention pitch, we developed a compelling narrative whose marketing needn't much convincing. It speaks for itself.
What most liberal and progressive commentators are unwilling to accept is the fact that the large-scale corruption in Nigeria, especially at the Executive level, has nothing to do with the Immunity Clause. It is the inability of law enforcement agencies, EFCC, and ICPC to live up to the demands of their respective offices and positions. Where are the impeached Governor of Adamawa State and the other corruption-personified former Governors who are no longer protected by Section 308?
Please find the referred article at the left side of your computer. It is number one on this Blog - the most read and a reference point for lawyers, members of the National Assembly, their consultants, and advisers. We did not make it the number one essay on this Blog; you did - you the readers.
Some excerpts due to popular demands:
It is indeed very sad that some sections of the Nigeria political establishment, including opinion leaders and public affairs commentators so gotten embroiled in that perverted notion that once a Governor or Deputy Governor ceases to function as Governor or Deputy Governor, and is elected to the Senate or House of Representative, he or she is still immune from arrest and trial for the unjust enrichment perpetrated as Governor or Deputy Governor. That is complete baloney. The immunity is office specific. The same rules apply to President and Vice President.
Therefore, the Section should be strengthened in order to serve the intended purpose and not diluted by any means. The rationale was to engender purposeful governance and ensure uninterrupted governmental activities at the state and federal levels consistent with fundamental principles of democracy and rule of laws. The major constraint is the nonchalant culture prevalent within the judicial branch bordering on procedural rigmarole - incessant adjournment and granting of orders of injunction, without reasonable excuse.
Conclusion:
Some excerpts due to popular demands:
Rationale and Public Policy Arguments:
In spite of everything, the immunity under Sec 308 of the 1999 Constitution is well-intentioned. The President, or as the case may be, a Governor, would not have the luxury of time defending lawsuits - whether frivolous or meritorious - while in active service as Governor or President.
Our proclivity for lawsuits knows no bounds; removal of that immunity clause from our constitution would end up doing more harm than good to our fragile constitutional democracy. Every Ademola, Usman, and Okechukwu, as well as members of the opposition parties, would, through unwarranted and un-meritorious lawsuits and petitions, incapacitate sitting President, or Governors as the case may be, without regard to judicial ethics or the concerns of Nigerian voters. And in the process, take them off course from real and purposeful governance.
Executive immunity enhances harmony in the political process that would, no doubt, be eroded if Presidents and Governors are exposed to the vagaries of our judicial system. Adding to that, the arrest and trial of those protected under the section would paralyze activities in the affected states or at the federal level, as the case may be. That was the rationale and legislative intent of section 308 of the 1999 Constitution - defined as the thinking of the drafters based on public policy considerations.
There is no doubt that the benefits of the Immunity Clause outweigh the defects. The defects, if at all, are traceable to the inability of those empowered with law enforcement obligations to make the Constitution live up to its true purpose as the supreme law of the land. To that extent, it requires diligent performance (prosecution) as expected of true fiduciary (EFCC, the Police, ICPC, and the AG). It's all about the interpretation, audacity, and genuine intent to fight and surmount the ills of corruption and unjust enrichment that irredeemably wrecked a supposedly great nation-state.
We should not act on the impulse of the moment and abrogate a constitutional provision that is imbued with the right ingredients to serve a worthy national purpose - growing our democracy and ensuring stability in the political system.
Granted, our core leadership team is made up of some of the most shameless and greedy first-class opportunists you could ever find on the face of the earth; be that as it may, we cannot embark on constitutional amendment just to accommodate our idiosyncrasies and every unfortunate aberration. That's retrogressive political evolution. What would you do, if God willing, we are fortunate to have selfless leaders at the helm of affairs? Amend the constitution again to align with the current trends?
We can do better. Those who are known to be corrupt should be apprehended, prosecuted, and made to forfeit their illegally acquired wealth to the state as soon as they cease to function under the protection of Section 308. And where appropriate, they should be made to serve life imprisonment, without the possibility of parole. Are we willing to do that?
Today, there are thousands of fraudulent Nigerians out there on the street, including former Governors and former Deputy Governors, as well as former Presidents and former Vice Presidents, known to have fraudulently enriched themselves with public funds. They are living large and living free, while we watch. Sadly, they are yet to be apprehended and prosecuted by law enforcement agencies, even when these fraudulent Nigerians and ex-political leaders do not enjoy any atom of immunity.
Worse still is seeing most of these overtly corrupt political leaders gallivanting all over local and international forums as consultants and elder statesmen lecturing and propagating archaic and discredited theories of leadership and wellness.
Immunity and unjust enrichment are mutually exclusive. That we want to strengthen our democratic values via some constitutional mechanisms doesn't translate to encouraging official misconduct. From all indications, Section 308 is not the problem. Blame it on the unwritten collaborative resolve of those in the judicial branch - a monumental national crisis that is compounded by the inability of those vested with law enforcement power (Police, EFCC, and ICPC) to develop a new strategy to surmount abuse of discretionary power by judges and defense lawyers.
Our proclivity for lawsuits knows no bounds; removal of that immunity clause from our constitution would end up doing more harm than good to our fragile constitutional democracy. Every Ademola, Usman, and Okechukwu, as well as members of the opposition parties, would, through unwarranted and un-meritorious lawsuits and petitions, incapacitate sitting President, or Governors as the case may be, without regard to judicial ethics or the concerns of Nigerian voters. And in the process, take them off course from real and purposeful governance.
Executive immunity enhances harmony in the political process that would, no doubt, be eroded if Presidents and Governors are exposed to the vagaries of our judicial system. Adding to that, the arrest and trial of those protected under the section would paralyze activities in the affected states or at the federal level, as the case may be. That was the rationale and legislative intent of section 308 of the 1999 Constitution - defined as the thinking of the drafters based on public policy considerations.
There is no doubt that the benefits of the Immunity Clause outweigh the defects. The defects, if at all, are traceable to the inability of those empowered with law enforcement obligations to make the Constitution live up to its true purpose as the supreme law of the land. To that extent, it requires diligent performance (prosecution) as expected of true fiduciary (EFCC, the Police, ICPC, and the AG). It's all about the interpretation, audacity, and genuine intent to fight and surmount the ills of corruption and unjust enrichment that irredeemably wrecked a supposedly great nation-state.
We should not act on the impulse of the moment and abrogate a constitutional provision that is imbued with the right ingredients to serve a worthy national purpose - growing our democracy and ensuring stability in the political system.
Granted, our core leadership team is made up of some of the most shameless and greedy first-class opportunists you could ever find on the face of the earth; be that as it may, we cannot embark on constitutional amendment just to accommodate our idiosyncrasies and every unfortunate aberration. That's retrogressive political evolution. What would you do, if God willing, we are fortunate to have selfless leaders at the helm of affairs? Amend the constitution again to align with the current trends?
We can do better. Those who are known to be corrupt should be apprehended, prosecuted, and made to forfeit their illegally acquired wealth to the state as soon as they cease to function under the protection of Section 308. And where appropriate, they should be made to serve life imprisonment, without the possibility of parole. Are we willing to do that?
Today, there are thousands of fraudulent Nigerians out there on the street, including former Governors and former Deputy Governors, as well as former Presidents and former Vice Presidents, known to have fraudulently enriched themselves with public funds. They are living large and living free, while we watch. Sadly, they are yet to be apprehended and prosecuted by law enforcement agencies, even when these fraudulent Nigerians and ex-political leaders do not enjoy any atom of immunity.
Worse still is seeing most of these overtly corrupt political leaders gallivanting all over local and international forums as consultants and elder statesmen lecturing and propagating archaic and discredited theories of leadership and wellness.
Immunity and unjust enrichment are mutually exclusive. That we want to strengthen our democratic values via some constitutional mechanisms doesn't translate to encouraging official misconduct. From all indications, Section 308 is not the problem. Blame it on the unwritten collaborative resolve of those in the judicial branch - a monumental national crisis that is compounded by the inability of those vested with law enforcement power (Police, EFCC, and ICPC) to develop a new strategy to surmount abuse of discretionary power by judges and defense lawyers.
It is indeed very sad that some sections of the Nigeria political establishment, including opinion leaders and public affairs commentators so gotten embroiled in that perverted notion that once a Governor or Deputy Governor ceases to function as Governor or Deputy Governor, and is elected to the Senate or House of Representative, he or she is still immune from arrest and trial for the unjust enrichment perpetrated as Governor or Deputy Governor. That is complete baloney. The immunity is office specific. The same rules apply to President and Vice President.
Therefore, the Section should be strengthened in order to serve the intended purpose and not diluted by any means. The rationale was to engender purposeful governance and ensure uninterrupted governmental activities at the state and federal levels consistent with fundamental principles of democracy and rule of laws. The major constraint is the nonchalant culture prevalent within the judicial branch bordering on procedural rigmarole - incessant adjournment and granting of orders of injunction, without reasonable excuse.
Conclusion:
Fellow Nigerians, whatever we do, we must not lose sight of the underlying imperative, designed to engender consistency and robust democratic values in our troubled political system that Section 308 represents. Therefore, we must be bold about consolidating those democratic values and harmony, without regard to race or social status, when prosecuting those who defrauded our state and federal governments. That is the first step to renewing Nigeria.
You steal, you steal! Period! It is that simple! Why ask for an interim or permanent injunction in a clear-cut case of embezzlement? If your hands are clean, and you rightly believe that you are innocent as charged, then be willing to stand trial and defend the allegation of unjust enrichment against you, instead of resorting to procedural mumble jumble to circumvent real justice. And that, my friends, is our real problem; not Section 308. This is the time we should all stand up and demand for curtailment in the grant of injunctive reliefs by our Judges.
You steal, you steal! Period! It is that simple! Why ask for an interim or permanent injunction in a clear-cut case of embezzlement? If your hands are clean, and you rightly believe that you are innocent as charged, then be willing to stand trial and defend the allegation of unjust enrichment against you, instead of resorting to procedural mumble jumble to circumvent real justice. And that, my friends, is our real problem; not Section 308. This is the time we should all stand up and demand for curtailment in the grant of injunctive reliefs by our Judges.