Rethinking Foreign Aid: Western Influence and Africa's Path to Peace and Proseperity

July 19, 2025

1. Introduction

The U.S. Senate’s recent approval of the White House request to rescind $9 billion in foreign aid and public broadcasting funding has sparked debate in both political and humanitarian circles. While I sympathise with the mission and staff of institutions like PBS and NPR, this decision should serve as a wake-up call, especially for leaders in conflict-ridden nations across Africa, South America, and the Middle East.

Hunger, displacement, and underdevelopment in regions such as South Sudan, the Sahel, Northern Nigeria, Yemen, and parts of East Africa are not simply the result of resource scarcity. These crises are symptoms of deeper political and governance failures. Many of these nations are not inherently poor; they are resource-rich and home to educated populations capable of driving development. Yet corruption, nepotism, terrorism, insecurity linked to illegal mining, and political exclusion have stalled progress and entrenched authoritarian rule.

Egypt offers an instructive example. Since the Arab Spring and the fall of a Western-backed dictatorship, the country has witnessed more infrastructure development in a single decade than in the preceding half-century. This illustrates a sobering reality: when foreign involvement strengthens undemocratic regimes or undermines local accountability, it often prolongs stagnation rather than alleviating it.

2. Institutional Transparency or Ideological Interference

It is time for the West to rethink its approach. If the United States is not engaged in ideological warfare with China or Russia over their political systems, which diverge sharply from Western democratic capitalism, why impose rigid democratic or economic models on developing nations for championing communist or socialist principles?

Democracy is not a one-size-fits-all export, nor should economic cooperation hinge on the adoption of Western cultural norms or political structures.

Consider Burkina Faso, where Captain Ibrahim Traoré has emphasised national sovereignty and local control over resources. Rather than seeking to isolate or pressure such governments, the international community should offer support through technical assistance, anti-corruption partnerships, and legal capacity-building, not ideological coercion.

In this context, the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) stands out as a model worth emulating. By prohibiting American companies from offering or accepting bribes abroad, it reinforces global ethical standards and promotes good governance without imposing ideological mandates.

Few cases better illustrate the global nature of corruption than the Halliburton/KBR bribery scandal. KBR, then a Halliburton subsidiary, paid over $6 billion in bribes to secure the Bonny Island Liquefied Natural Gas Project in Nigeria. In the U.S., executives were prosecuted, and even former Vice President Dick Cheney faced legal scrutiny and financial penalties. Yet to this day, no Nigerian officials involved in the scandal have been publicly named or prosecuted.

A similar story unfolded with former U.S. Congressman William Jefferson, who was sentenced to 13 years in prison for facilitating bribes in telecommunications deals involving top officials in Nigeria, Ghana, and other African nations. While Jefferson was held accountable under U.S. law, his African collaborators were never indicted or publicly identified. (Source: U.S. Department of Justice.)

These cases highlight a troubling double standard: foreign actors are increasingly held accountable under the FCPA, while domestic actors in Africa frequently evade scrutiny. This lack of accountability fosters impunity, weakens institutions, and undermines public trust in democracy.

Foreign aid, when given, must therefore be tied not to ideology but to transparency, legal reform, and institutional strengthening. African nations need independent judiciaries, professional civil services, and ethical leadership, not foreign lectures on social policy.

On that note, the perception that U.S. aid comes with conditions related to LGBT rights has sparked resistance in several African societies. These issues, while important, are often viewed as culturally insensitive and politically coercive, pushing countries toward alternatives like Chinese state-backed firms that promise “no interference.”

3. Africa’s Strategic Shift Toward China: What the West Must Do

The shift toward Chinese multinationals, often dismissed as “debt-trap diplomacy,” reflects a larger strategic dilemma. Many African governments, frustrated by Western aid’s ideological strings, are turning to Chinese infrastructure deals that appear less intrusive but pose significant long-term risks.

A major concern lies in the “stabilisation clauses” embedded in these contracts, which limit a country’s ability to update laws on labour, environment, or investment. Host governments often lack the legal and technical capacity to negotiate such terms effectively, leaving them bound to unfavourable obligations for decades.

Examples abound: Chinese control over infrastructure in the Republic of Congo, Kenya’s Mombasa Port, Uganda’s Entebbe Airport, and key assets in Zambia and Djibouti point to a troubling pattern of opaque deals and limited oversight.

In contrast, while American and European companies have their flaws, they typically operate under more transparent legal and governance frameworks. 

To counter this growing dependency and protect African sovereignty, Western engagement must pivot from ideological conditionality to practical capacity-building. Aid should focus on strengthening legal systems, procurement transparency, and institutional reform, not exporting Western political or social models.

The drawdown in U.S. foreign aid may, ironically, be an opportunity, if it prompts African governments to invest in self-reliance and accountability. But this will only succeed if African leaders reject identity politics and cronyism in favour of competence, integrity, and a genuine respect for the rule of law and independent judiciary.

The West, for its part, must confront its own legacy. For decades, it supported authoritarian regimes across Africa for geopolitical convenience—romanticising leaders like Mobutu Sese Seko of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, who presided over economic stagnation, while vilifying Muammar Gaddafi, under whose rule Libya became one of Africa’s most developed nation-states.

If the West hopes to regain credibility, it must pledge total abstinence from sponsoring coups, manipulating elections, or undermining democratic processes in Africa. Development must not be dictated from Washington or Brussels. It must be locally led, strategically supported, and shielded from both foreign manipulation and internal corruption.

Africa’s path forward must be its own, rooted in the continent’s unique realities and informed by its own aspirations, not imposed by outside powers.

4. Elevating the Conversation on the U.S. FCPA of 1977.

An Overview

"The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act of 1977, as amended, 15 U.S.C. ("FCPA"), was enacted to make it unlawful for certain classes of persons and entities to make payments to foreign government officials to assist in obtaining or retaining business. - Criminal Division, US Department of Justice. https://www.justice.gov/criminal/criminal-fraud/foreign-corrupt-practices-act.

Unfortunately, few African scholars or policy commentators fully appreciate the relevance and potential of the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). More public education is needed to highlight its role as a transparent, ethical alternative to the convoluted foreign investment deals, particularly those offered by Eastern powers. The FCPA helps combat corruption without ideological imposition and aligns more closely with Africa’s long-term interests.

As writers and public thinkers, we must take up the responsibility of informing the public. On moral and governance grounds, America has far more to offer Africa than polarising cultural debates. It is time we elevate the conversation beyond identity politics and celebrate the FCPA for what it truly is: a legal tool for accountability, transparency, and ethical investment.

The U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) isn’t just about regulating American companies. It’s a gold standard for ethical business, and a model African nations should know and demand.

5. The Drogba Doctrine: A New Model for Peacebuilding

During Côte d’Ivoire’s civil war (2002–2007), a moment of unlikely leadership emerged, not from politicians or diplomats, but from a footballer. Didier Drogba, the Ivorian striker and national icon, changed the course of history not with weapons, but with a match and a plea. 

October 08, 2005, following Côte d'Ivoire's 3-1 victory over Sudan, securing their qualification for the 2006 FIFA World Cup, Didier Drogba and his teammates participated in an extraordinary act in the locker room. 

In an impromptu moment captured by a television crew, Drogba and the entire team knelt down in the dressing room. Drogba then delivered an emotional plea, speaking directly to the warring factions: 

“Men and women of Ivory Coast, from the north, south, centre, and west, we proved today that all Ivorians can co-exist and play together with a shared aim — to qualify for the World Cup. We promised you that the celebration would unite the people — today we beg you, on our knees: forgive, forgive, forgive. One country in Africa with so many riches must not descend into war like this. Please, lay down your weapons, and hold elections.” 

His heartfelt message, coming from a national hero at the peak of his football fame, had an astonishing effect on the warring factions, the New Forces Movement, led by Guillaume Soro. Within a week, a ceasefire was declared. While it didn’t end the conflict entirely, the gesture was widely credited with shifting the national mood and demonstrating the unifying power of sport.

Also in 2007, Drogba requested that a key African Cup of Nations 2008 qualifier against the Madagascar national team be played not in the capital, Abidjan, but in Bouaké, then a rebel stronghold. His request was granted. The match, played on neutral ground, symbolised national reconciliation and helped pave the way for a ceasefire, thus succeeding where international interventions had failed for five years.

Drogba’s power came not from politics, but from trust and cultural connection. In a continent where over 60% of the population is under 30, cultural figures like musicians and athletes often carry more influence than generals or presidents.

Why not harness that influence?

6. A Call to the African Union For A New Start.

How long must we continue to look to Washington, DC, Paris, or Kiev to learn a lesson on how to foster a sense of brotherhood with our fellow Africans? It is time to look inward. We had Didier Drogba advocating for peace through song, and Quincy Jones and his team singing "We Are the World" to support the forgotten thousands in Ethiopia and Somalia, and indeed, they made a profound impact and brought solace to humanity. And to all the bandits in Northern Nigeria and the warlords in the Sahel, heed the soul of Michael Jackson, heed Drogba's words: we are the world, the human race; lay down your arms and let us celebrate our shared humanity, rather than engaging in conflict that benefits no one.

It is time for the African Union to embrace what we might call the Drogba Doctrine—actively engaging cultural and music icons, athletes, and respected public figures in peacebuilding across the continent. These individuals can speak to disillusioned youth, demobilise fighters, and promote unity in ways suits and speeches cannot.

If a footballer’s heartfelt message could end a war, surely we can replicate that model. Peace needs both power and persuasion—both leadership and inspiration.

As the U.S. reconsiders foreign aid, the focus must shift from transactional funding and ideological demands to long-term investment in African capacity, leadership, and accountability. That includes support for independent institutions and for the voices that truly move the people. Because at the end of the day, African youth don’t want war. They want to live. To laugh. To celebrate life.

Let’s give them more reasons to sing, hope, live,  dream big dreams, cherish the moment, be an accomplished person, a role model, rather than to fight and die for gunrunners and illegal miners. 

Barr Alex Aidaghese Esq is the Principal Partner at Alex & Partners (Legal Practice and Consultancy), Lagos, Nigeria. He holds a Master of Laws (LL.M.) in Natural Resources, Energy, and Environmental Law and Policy. He can be reached via text at +234 807 762 0672 or by email at ehilexander@gmail.com

July 19, 2025.