Section 15 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria: A Shield for Unity or a Tool for Territorial Invasion?

 

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Does Section 15 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) override the rights of state governors or local landowners regarding the use of land within their jurisdiction?

Can we, in good conscience, reconcile the ongoing armed incursion and territorial occupation by Fulani herders with the spirit and letter of Section 15(2) and (3)(b) of the Constitution that promote national integration and guarantee residency rights? This question became necessary in light of the suffering, unprovoked attacks, and displacement of local farmers across the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria for decades. 

Section 15(4) further states that "the State shall foster a feeling of belonging and of involvement among the various tribes of the Federation to the end that loyalty to the nation shall override sectional loyalties." But how can we speak of national unity when armed groups pledge loyalty not to the Nigerian flag or Constitution, but to an ethnic heritage that disregards national sovereignty?

Let me be clear: this piece is not written to dwell on the atrocities, brutality, or lawlessness of certain Fulani herders. Rather, it is to challenge the dangerous narrative advanced by the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) and echoed by Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed that herders, including those from outside Nigeria, have an unqualified right to graze anywhere in the country under the supposed protection of Section 15 of the Constitution.

That claim is both legally incorrect and morally indefensible.

Section 15(3)(b) does not give anyone the right to trespass on private property, invade cultivated farmland, or dispossess local communities of their ancestral lands. It certainly does not empower individuals to terrorise, kill, or establish de facto control over territory through violence. The right to live and settle anywhere in Nigeria, while constitutionally protected, is not absolute or unilateral. It is subject to laws, local customs, and the property rights of others.

The Constitution protects the collective rights of all Nigerians, not just those of one ethnic group. Land rights remain the legal responsibility of states, and governors are the constitutional custodians of land under the Land Use Act. No provision in Section 15 or anywhere else in the constitution, grants carte blanche for herders or anyone else to violate these laws.

And yet, watching Governor Bala Mohammed’s unrepentant defence of open, unrestricted grazing, even by foreign Fulani, and the deafening silence from his political colleagues, it becomes clear why figures like Sunday Igboho and Nnamdi Kanu have emerged as heroes within their communities.

They may be controversial, but their popularity speaks volumes. They have stepped into a vacuum created by the federal government’s absence, the indifference of security forces, and the helplessness of local leaders. They feel the anguish of their people. They see the pain, and they act, whether rightly or wrongly, because no one else is.

Like millions of Nigerians at home and in the diaspora, they have witnessed the collapse of state protection and the casual erosion of national identity. In the void left by lawlessness and selective governance, they heard a cry for leadership, and they answered. History is now recording the consequences.

If we are truly serious about peace, national unity, and the rule of law, then we must reject both the extremism of violence and the heresy of constitutional distortion. Section 15 is a call for integration, not a license for invasion.

The Bala’s Factor and the Silent Complicity Fueling Nigeria’s Security Crisis

In the ongoing crisis between herders and farmers in Nigeria, much has been said about land disputes, resource scarcity, ethnic tensions, and the collapse of law enforcement. However, one of the most dangerous dimensions of this conflict remains largely unspoken: The quiet complicity of some within Nigeria’s political and security establishment.

How else do we explain the consistent failure of security forces to prevent or even respond to deadly attacks in rural communities? It remains baffling how, on August 24, 2021, bandits were able to breach security at the Nigerian Defence Academy, kill two army officers, abduct one officer, and execute him days later, without a single arrest made or credible explanation given? How did they know exactly where to find their targets? Such brazen attacks suggest not just lapses in intelligence but active sabotage or willful neglect from within. To date, none of the perpetrators has been brought to justice.

Even more alarming is the discriminatory or selective efficiency of our security apparatus. The same intelligence service that failed to protect its officers in their own turf was somehow able to organise a covert international operation to apprehend Nnamdi Kanu in Nairobi, Kenya. That operation was executed with surgical precision, demonstrating that Nigerian intelligence services are more than capable when the political will exists. So why has that same energy not been applied to dislodging armed Fulani militias terrorising communities across the Middle Belt and other parts of Nigeria?

This is where the Bala Factor becomes central.

During a televised interview, Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed, defended the right of Fulani herders, including non-herders from outside Nigeria’s borders, to relocate and settle anywhere in Nigeria. His remarks, though controversial and widely criticised, were never withdrawn. They reflect a deeper and more troubling political sentiment, meaning that Nigeria should act as an open refuge for ethnic Fulani, regardless of legality, national interest, or security implications.

The implications of that statement are profound. It blurs the line between legal immigration and unauthorised cross-border movement of armed groups. It sends a signal, intentionally or not, that Nigeria’s territorial integrity can be negotiated, or worse, ignored, compromised, when it comes to certain interests. In doing so, he also contributes, wittingly or unwittingly, to the insecurity that has taken thousands of lives and displaced countless Nigerians from their ancestral lands.

This is not just a rhetorical issue; it has real consequences. Communities across the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria have borne the brunt of violent attacks by herders reportedly armed with military-grade weapons. And yet, despite numerous reports, video evidence, and eyewitness accounts, prosecution remains rare, and convictions are almost nonexistent.

What makes this even more alarming is that the violent clashes attributed to these herders are not occurring across the Sahel or other regions through which they allegedly migrate. They are happening almost exclusively in Nigeria. This suggests the motive is not merely seasonal movement or survival. It points to a more rooted objective: the acquisition of land, specifically Nigerian land.

The Governor Bala Factor — the idea that Nigeria should become a homeland for all Fulani people across the world — is far more than just one governor’s offhand statement. It reflects a deeper, more dangerous political narrative that excuses, or even legitimises, the illegal and often violent occupation of Nigerian territory. 

History reminds us that the voice of one man, left unchallenged, can shift the course of a nation. In 1953, Chief Anthony Enahoro made the motion for Nigeria's independence. It failed, not because of a lack of merit, but because Sir Ahmadu Bello argued the North wasn't ready, citing insufficient trained manpower. Though it was a single opinion, it delayed our journey to freedom. Similarly, in the mid-1970s, Dr. Jibril Aminu argued against free university education, claiming it would not benefit the North and would only widen the educational gap between North and South. Again, one man’s voice, unchallenged, set national progress back. Lastly, can you cite one name from your senatorial district, involved in the drafting of the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria? You can't because there was none involved; it was a one-man's affair. 

So, when Governor Bala Mohammed openly declares that Nigeria should become a grazing ground for Fulani herders from across Sub-Saharan Africa, we must not dismiss it as a mere personal opinion. It echoes a familiar pattern, where early warnings are ignored. Ideological seeds, once planted, grow into deeply rooted national crises. His statement must be treated NOT as an isolated demand, but as a reflection of a long-standing vision that is already being violently realised through the herders’ campaign of brutality, land grabs, and unchecked aggression across Nigeria.

By legitimising foreign Fulani herders’ right to settle and graze in Nigeria, he erodes national sovereignty and blurs the lines between legal migration and unregulated occupation. This rhetoric provides a veneer of political and ideological protection to armed herders operating on Nigerian soil.

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Does Section 15 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) override the rights of state governors or local landowners regarding the use of land within their jurisdiction?

Can we, in good conscience, reconcile the ongoing armed incursion and territorial occupation by Fulani herders with the spirit and letter of Section 15(2) and (3)(b) of the Constitution that promote national integration and guarantee residency rights? This question became necessary in light of the suffering, unprovoked attacks, and displacement of local farmers across the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria for decades. 

Section 15(4) further states that "the State shall foster a feeling of belonging and of involvement among the various tribes of the Federation to the end that loyalty to the nation shall override sectional loyalties." But how can we speak of national unity when armed groups pledge loyalty not to the Nigerian flag or Constitution, but to an ethnic heritage that disregards national sovereignty?

Let me be clear: this piece is not written to dwell on the atrocities, brutality, or lawlessness of certain Fulani herders. Rather, it is to challenge the dangerous narrative advanced by the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) and echoed by Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed that herders, including those from outside Nigeria, have an unqualified right to graze anywhere in the country under the supposed protection of Section 15 of the Constitution.

That claim is both legally incorrect and morally indefensible.

Section 15(3)(b) does not give anyone the right to trespass on private property, invade cultivated farmland, or dispossess local communities of their ancestral lands. It certainly does not empower individuals to terrorise, kill, or establish de facto control over territory through violence. The right to live and settle anywhere in Nigeria, while constitutionally protected, is not absolute or unilateral. It is subject to laws, local customs, and the property rights of others.

The Constitution protects the collective rights of all Nigerians, not just those of one ethnic group. Land rights remain the legal responsibility of states, and governors are the constitutional custodians of land under the Land Use Act. No provision in Section 15 or anywhere else in the constitution, grants carte blanche for herders or anyone else to violate these laws.

And yet, watching Governor Bala Mohammed’s unrepentant defence of open, unrestricted grazing, even by foreign Fulani, and the deafening silence from his political colleagues, it becomes clear why figures like Sunday Igboho and Nnamdi Kanu have emerged as heroes within their communities.

They may be controversial, but their popularity speaks volumes. They have stepped into a vacuum created by the federal government’s absence, the indifference of security forces, and the helplessness of local leaders. They feel the anguish of their people. They see the pain, and they act, whether rightly or wrongly, because no one else is.

Like millions of Nigerians at home and in the diaspora, they have witnessed the collapse of state protection and the casual erosion of national identity. In the void left by lawlessness and selective governance, they heard a cry for leadership, and they answered. History is now recording the consequences.

If we are truly serious about peace, national unity, and the rule of law, then we must reject both the extremism of violence and the heresy of constitutional distortion. Section 15 is a call for integration, not a license for invasion.

We must respond decisively. The state’s sovereignty must be defended. Armed herders exploiting ideological cover must be disarmed, prosecuted, and removed. Political leaders must be held accountable for rhetoric that fuels violence. If Nigeria fails to challenge this today, tomorrow’s chaos will be blamed on today’s silence. We cannot afford to treat armed invasions as cultural misunderstandings or political inconveniences. National security must be blind to ethnic affiliation, and justice must be applied consistently, not selectively.

If we are to reclaim the country from chaos, we must name the complicit, confront the enablers, and restore the integrity of our institutions. And we must reject, unequivocally, any policy, spoken or unspoken, that prioritises politics over people and ethnicity over the rule of law. That begins with the courage to speak uncomfortable truths, no matter how high up they go. 

May God bless you, and may God bless the people of Nigeria

Basement Blogger - What We Stand For

On Leadership and Accountability:

Shakespeare once wrote, “Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown.” That line still rings true today. Leadership isn’t easy, and it’s not meant to be. If you’re going to take on the responsibility, you should be ready to invest purpose, integrity, and courage. Not every battle is worth fighting; however, when justice or principle is at stake, stepping up becomes non-negotiable.

Politically, I lean progressive and believe in social welfare. At the same time, I support capitalism, private ownership, and wealth creation. For any economy to truly thrive, the government must play its part by building infrastructure, ensuring security, and creating a conducive environment where entrepreneurs and innovators can flourish.

Foreign investors should be protected, yes, but not at the expense of a nation’s sovereignty. No country, especially developing countries, should have to give up its legislative power or constitutional authority through convoluted stabilisation clauses to attract investment.

Education is the greatest gift a society can offer its children, and the government has a critical role to play in making quality education accessible to all.

I strongly advocate for transparency, freedom of religion, the rule of law, and the independence of the judiciary. These aren’t just ideals; they’re non-negotiables for any society that hopes to grow, prosper, and stay free.

Originally written in September 2011

Must Watch: UK Insider Confesses Nigeria Was Never Meant to Succeed #The...

What the Killings in Benue and Plateau Are Really About

Looking at the charred remains of innocent victims, many of them women and children, you are compelled to ask: What crime did they commit, other than being born into a place and identity they had no control over? It is a horrific scene, one that leaves the conscience burdened and the heart broken.

Watch: Video 1 | Video 2

In what should be a peaceful world, the Benue-Plateau region ought to be a paradise, one of the most fertile lands in Sub-Saharan Africa, rich in heritage, culture, and potential. Instead, this natural gift has become a graveyard of promise: a landscape soaked in blood, and a humanitarian catastrophe marked by mass displacements, ethnic cleansing, and state failure.

A Systematic Campaign of Displacement

The violence sweeping across the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria is not accidental. Despite the politically correct language employed by our leaders, what is unfolding is a deliberate and well-orchestrated campaign of conquest. Armed militias, falsely cloaked in religious garb, have been invading farming communities, slaughtering innocent civilians, and occupying the vacated lands. This is not a religious war. It is a violent land-grab project, executed by a heavily armed and mobile force that appears to enjoy official immunity.

Life in Plateau State, for instance, like the bloody carnage in Five Camps settlements in Edo State, as you will read later, has become a cautionary tale. After repeated invasions by armed Fulani militias, native farmers are abandoning their ancestral lands. Once deserted, these lands are quietly repopulated by “herders,” many of whom arrive from outside Nigeria. The same pattern is visible in parts of Benue, Enugu, Edo, Ondo, and beyond.

Growing up, we could sleep on the farm. Today, farming is a life-threatening act. One ethnic group appears intent on forcibly taking over Nigeria, while those in Abuja look away, or worse, play dumb.

Political Complicity and a Deafening Silence

Some prominent figures, including the Governor of Bauchi State, Mr. Bala Muhammed, have openly hinted at a TV interview, a plan to transform a yet-to-be-identified state or region in Nigeria into a settlement zone for foreign Fulani cousins from across Africa. They believe Nigeria and any part thereof is their inheritance, regardless of the local population, the law, or the Constitution. This is the heart of the conflict. It is not about religion. It is about conquest, power, and impunity. This is what Abuja is unwilling to confront - the clandestine scheming to turn Nigeria into a Fulani enclave. That's what makes the Bala factor very crucial in the ongoing war against the armed squad of the Fulani Herders. 

Unless those responsible for these atrocities are brought to justice, the political class in Abuja should brace for moral, legal, and political collapse. Nigerians must cease to be refugees in their own land.

Let it be said clearly: these invaders and their sponsors can never inherit Benue/Plateau, or any Nigerian territory. The land belongs to the indigenous people and every law-abiding citizen, irrespective of his or her ethnicity or religious background.

State Security’s Role: A Pattern of Betrayal

One of the most troubling aspects of the herder–farmer conflict in Nigeria, rarely addressed in depth, is the tacit complicity of certain members of the armed forces. This complicity may manifest in two ways: either through active facilitation of attacks or a deliberate unwillingness to respond before or during such incidents.

It remains baffling how bandits were able to breach security at the Nigerian Defence Academy, abduct army officers, and execute them days later. How did they know exactly where to find their targets? To date, none of the perpetrators has been brought to justice.

Even more perplexing is the contrast with how swiftly Nigerian security operatives coordinated a cross-border operation to apprehend Nnamdi Kanu in Nairobi, Kenya, executing the mission with remarkable precision and without incident. That capability raises the question: Why has it been so difficult to apprehend heavily armed Fulani militias operating within Nigeria?

This is where what I call the Bala Factor becomes essential to consider in any serious strategy against banditry and armed Fulani aggression. (Watch out for my essay on The Balas Factor in the ongoing conquest mission throughout Nigeria).

On February 14, 2018, a vigilante leader named Efe, from a village on the outskirts of Benin City, was executed in cold blood by a member of the Nigerian Armed Forces. The shocking event unfolded like a scene from a gangster movie. Efe’s only “crime” was the apprehension of armed herders violating their women and desecrating their community. Ironically, the same military personnel who killed Efe for protesting their apparent complicity went on to release the apprehended herdsmen who had invaded and destroyed the community's farmlands.

Efe’s execution was not an isolated case. A similar incident (aiding, abetting, and facilitating conquest) occurred in Uguleshi, located in the Agwu Local Government Area of Enugu State. There, men in military uniforms stormed the village and arrested 76 farmers, not for violence, but for allegedly planning a protest against herdsmen who had been terrorising the community, destroying farmlands, and raping their women. These farmers were detained, I believe at Umuahia, for weeks. Meanwhile, the actual perpetrators of the violence, rape, and destruction were never apprehended – they remain invisible to the same security forces who came to the village to execute arrest, just to preempt alleged protest. Same country, but different standard of legal process. 

Still in Enugu State, on April 25, 2016, roughly 500 armed herdsmen launched a predawn attack on Nimbo Village. By 7 a.m., they were killing every human in sight. The evening before the attack, the state governor was alerted, who in turn informed the Commissioner of Police and other federal authorities in Abuja.t According to a press report, the Director of the State DSS and Commissioner of Police assured him that all was safe, and he went to bed. Yet, when the attackers struck the next morning, there was no response, no police intervention, no military presence. The killers entered the village, murdered, maimed, and vanished, unhindered and unchallenged. Later that day, the governor appeared on television, weeping over the corpses, while the government issued the usual empty threats. The Bloodletting by Herdsmen in Enugu – THISDAYLIVE

It’s the same story in Aguta Village in Benue State about a decade ago, where innocent boarding school children were butchered and hanged on stakes like animals. It is the same story across the Middle Belt and the entire South. Bloodbath in Benue - The Nation Newspaper. Watch: Video | Video

The security lapses and complicit incidents are too many to count. On 23^rd February, 2025, armed herders invaded what the locals called Five Camps in Ovia South Local Government Area in Edo State, about 8 a.m. in the morning. They came, butchered every human being on sight and burned down their houses. See the video story by Efosa Uwaigwe of ITV News. Today, those camps are no more. Please, viewer discretion is advised. 

The Sunday Jackson Case: Justice in Reverse

Perhaps the most disturbing symbol of state bias is the Supreme Court’s recent decision to uphold the death sentence of Sunday Jackson, a farmer from Demsa LGA, Adamawa State. Jackson was attacked by a Fulani herder armed with a knife. Despite sustaining injuries, Jackson defended himself and fatally wounded his assailant. Yet, after seven years in pre-trial detention, he was sentenced to death. Northern CAN Condemns Supreme Court Ruling Upholding Death Penalty for Adamawa Farmer in Disputed Self-Defence Case – Middlebelt Times.

To be sentenced to death for not running from his attacker after dispossessing him of the knife, exemplifies the privileged and protected class the armed cattle herders are in Nigeria, which proves to them the audacity to be law breakers and brutish. In most jurisdictions, this would qualify as self-defence or, at worst, involuntary manslaughter. The judgment affirms a terrifying reality: in today’s Nigeria, a farmer defending his life can be executed while armed invaders walk free. The problem with the Supreme Court’s verdict on Jackson. 

Following the Money and the Borders

Former Kaduna Governor Nasir El-Rufai once admitted that the attackers are not Nigerians. He even travelled to the Sahel to compensate foreign Fulani herders whose cattle were allegedly rustled in Nigeria. The Governor's journey ought to provide a good lead to unravelling the mystery that ensconced the herders' troubled voyage.  Who owns the cattle? Who arms the Killing Squad? And why is the traverse into and within the Nigerian territory an easy foray? FLASHBACK: How We Paid Some Fulani To Stop Killings In Southern Kaduna, Says El-Rufai | Sahara Reporters. There is much to this cross-border compensatory engagement that meets the eye. You cannot know the herders whose cattle have been rustled, without a glimpse of those behind the mask, facilitating herders' carnage all over Nigeria. 

If these attackers are indeed foreign, Nigerians have every right to defend their land and lives. A court may rule otherwise, but natural law, morality, and survival instincts do not.

What Now?

At this juncture, can the NSA, the IGP, and the Chief of Army Staff face the nation and say: Never again? Can they promise that no Nigerian will be forced to be a refugee in their own land? If not, Nigerians will make that declaration for them: Enough is enough.

As I was editing this piece, I came across a video of President Tinubu visiting survivors in Benue, and in one instance, he asked a Police officer why no arrests had been made. Tinubu visits survivors of Yelewata attack in Benue hospital - Vanguard News. While this show of empathy is welcome, it must be matched with action. The President must tell his security chiefs: This must stop. No more excuses. Justice must be swift. Not a single inch of Nigeria’s territory is up for grabs. And hearing the President asking the Police Officers in the locality why no arrest has been made was heart-warming. 

A Call to Nigerians

So what can we, as Nigerians, do?

We must unite across tribes and faiths to safeguard the dignity of all citizens. We must demand accountability, protect our communities, and expose those who profit from division and chaos. At the community level, one thing is clear: armed or unarmed herders posing a threat must leave. Peaceful co-existence is impossible without justice and respect. Know your history and learn from the experience of the Tiv, Idoma, Latang, and the Hausa, etc - you accommodate them, you risk exposing your descendants to becoming permanent refugees in their own country and second-class citizens in their father’s land. 

Therefore, if in a moment of peril, security response might not be swift, and knowing that justice may likely be unkind to you in the event of self-defence, even when commensurate with the attack, then you are left with one option: Say no to Fulani Herders settlement in your community. Settlement facilitates criminality and aggression; without settlement, there wouldn't be confrontation or trespassing. That must be the starting point - zero tolerance for open grazing and Fulani settlement. 

Finally, to the victims and their families, my heart bleeds for you. You were killed not for crimes, but for being who you are, where you are. May your souls find peace, and may justice find those responsible.

Opinion | Exposing Corruption In Nigeria Isn’t Enough — EFCC Must Act, Not Just Speak

By Barr Alex Ehi Aidaghese

On June 17, 2025, major Nigerian newspapers, including the Vanguard, reported a disturbing revelation by the Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Barrister Ola Olukoyede (SAN). According to the EFCC boss, Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs) in Nigeria are now laundering billions of naira in stolen public funds using internet fraudsters, commonly known as “Yahoo-Yahoo boys.”

“When these politically exposed persons steal money in the billions,” Olukoyede explained, “they give it to these boys, who then open crypto wallets. From there, the money is transferred abroad. Most of these politicians lodge the boys in hotels and use them to open accounts through which the money is moved offshore.”

Even more worrying, he said, is the criminal evolution of these fraudsters: “The most dangerous part is not just about internet scams. Some of these boys are into banditry and kidnapping. When they don’t find people to scam, they resort to these crimes.”

One would expect such a bold and damning exposé to earn the EFCC praise. Any agency that uncovers such high-level espionage and financial criminality should be celebrated. But that has not been the case.

Instead, the public response has been one of scepticism and frustration. In the comment sections of all major news platforms that carried the story, the reactions were the same: Where are the arrests? Who has been prosecuted?

And that, unfortunately, is the recurring tragedy in Nigeria’s anti-corruption narrative. The Chairman of the EFCC demonstrated a fundamental misunderstanding of his mandate. By attempting to conflate Yahoo Yahoo Boys with PEPs as coconspirators, he mistakenly believed this would earn him national commendation. In reality, Nigerians demand decisive prosecution, conviction, and the forfeiture of unlawfully acquired assets.

Nigerians are no longer impressed by exposés without follow-up. The only announcement worth hearing from the EFCC is that those involved — both the politicians and their criminal collaborators — have been arrested, prosecuted, and stripped of their stolen assets. Anything short of that sounds like old news.

In similar circumstances, one could expect agencies like the FBI to act swiftly and decisively. They wouldn’t hold a press conference before knocking on doors in the dead of night and producing suspects before a judge by morning. If I were part of the EFCC Chairman’s advisory team, that’s exactly the strategy I would propose. Not press briefings, but action.

Sadly, we’ve been down this road before. Barely a month ago, a former EFCC Chairman released a memoir that outlined how fraudulent Petroleum Marketers had rigged the country’s fuel subsidy system over the past decade. Yet, he was in a position to stop it during that same period. Instead of naming arrests or convictions, he simply narrated how the fraud took place. That is not reform; it is a documentary of failure. Mr Aig-Imoukhuede's panel, set up by the Jonathan administration on the same issue, revealed to Nigerians the high-stakes criminality and those involved.

This pattern of inaction reveals a broader systemic issue: a culture of low expectations in public service, cultivated by years of nepotism, favouritism, and godfatherism in public appointments. It’s not enough to tell Nigerians how corruption is happening; we need leaders who will stop it.

The current EFCC Chairman must avoid the same pitfall. If his claims are true — and they likely are — then what is he waiting for? This is not the time for sensationalism. Nigerians are tired of headlines that lead nowhere.

Contrast this with the situation in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), where Minister Nyesom Wike, regardless of your opinion of him, has made a visible impact. You can feel his combat boots on the ground, measurable, and undeniable. That is what public service should look like: results, not rhetoric.

In the end, Nigerians want more than investigations and announcements. We want justice - actual convictions, not just confessions. We want to see looted funds recovered and returned. We want to see powerful people held accountable.

The EFCC Chairman has opened the curtain on a deeply troubling reality. Now he must finish the job. If he cannot do so, the press conference was not a revelation; it was an admission of impotence.

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Mr. Alex Ehi Aidaghese is a Lawyer and Legal Consultant. He writes on Governance, Accountability, and Public Policy in Nigeria.

The Benue Massacre and the Disconnect in the President’s Press Team’s Response - June 15, 2025

I find it difficult to understand the call for reconciliation between the so-called “warring communities.” If reconciliation is truly being proposed, does that not imply that the perpetrators are known? Otherwise, the President would not have referenced it in his press statement issued following the report of the massacre. 

When reconciliation is mentioned, I find myself asking: reconciliation between whom, exactly? Are we expected to reconcile armed invaders with unarmed indigenous, vulnerable landowners? 

Let us be clear: these perpetrators are not nomadic herders or pastoralists. They are organised killers engaged in a deliberate campaign of conquest and ethnic cleansing, aimed at turning the Benue-Plateau region into a homeland for foreign Fulani interests. 

To those who believe this is merely a "Benue" or "Plateau" issue, think again. This threat is not isolated; they are coming to your towns and communities too. These are mobile, well-armed forces operating as a coordinated killing squad. 

The video footage of the incident is profoundly disturbing and deeply painful to watch. I strongly urge the National Security Adviser (NSA) or the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to ensure that this video is presented directly to the President. 

It is important that he personally witness the horrific killing of innocent children, some of whom were burned alive.

This is not only a tragedy but a heinous crime against humanity.

Regrettably, the press release issued by the President’s media team fails to convey any genuine empathy or concern for the families of the victims. It comes across as detached and perfunctory at a time when the nation demands compassion, accountability, and decisive action.

Chief Bayo Onanuga should refrain from issuing press statements that frame this as a matter of "reconciliation." This isn’t his first time. What is unfolding is not a communal misunderstanding; it is an invasion. It is war, it is purposeful, and it's nationwide. The people who attacked me and my family members at Onicha-Ugbo in Delta State late last year are not Nigerians. 

The massacre of nearly 60 lives is a tragic reminder of the persistent failure of our national security institutions. The massacre will not cease until every Nigerian takes to the streets and the jungle in collaboration with members of the armed forces to expel these killers from our midst. Appearing weak and conciliatory is calamitous. The best approach is showing strength - a show of force, not weakness.

First approach, the Department of State Services (DSS) must act with urgency; those sponsoring and arming the killers must be identified, apprehended, and prosecuted. They just can't be appearing from nowhere and disappearing into thin air like ghosts. 

This atrocity stands as a grave indictment of Nigeria’s security framework and its ability to protect its citizens. 

Credible History of Complicity from High Places

On February 14, 2018, a vigilante leader named Efe, from a village on the outskirts of Benin City, was executed in cold blood by a member of the Nigerian Armed Forces. The shocking event unfolded like a scene from a gangster movie. Efe’s only “crime” was protecting his community’s farmlands from violent herdsmen. Ironically, the same military personnel who killed him went on to release the apprehended herdsmen who had invaded and destroyed the community's farmlands.

Efe’s execution was not an isolated case. A similar incident occurred in Uguleshi, located in the Agwu Local Government Area of Enugu State. There, men in military uniforms stormed the village and arrested 76 farmers, not for violence, but for allegedly planning a protest against herdsmen who had been terrorising the community, destroying farmlands, and violating women. These farmers were detained for weeks. Meanwhile, the actual perpetrators of the violence, rape, and destruction remained untouched, invisible to the same security forces that carried out the arrests.

Still in Enugu State, on April 25, 2016, roughly 500 armed herdsmen launched a predawn attack on Nimbo Village. By 7 a.m., they were killing every human in sight. The night before, the state governor had been alerted, who in turn informed the Commissioner of Police and other federal authorities in Abuja. The Director of the State DSS assured him that all was safe, and he went to bed. Yet, when the attackers struck, there was no response, no police intervention, no military presence. The killers entered the village, murdered, maimed, and vanished, unhindered and unchallenged. Later that day, the governor appeared on television, weeping over the corpses, while the government issued the usual empty threats.

It’s the same story in Aguta Village in Benue State about a decade ago, where innocent boarding school children were butchered and hanged on stakes like animals. And the same across the Middle Belt and the entire South. The incidents are too many to count.

As former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai once admitted, these killers are not Nigerians. He even travelled to the Sahel to pay compensation to herders who claimed their cattle were rustled in Nigeria, allegedly to prevent further attacks. But he never disclosed who employed these foreign armed herders. Who owns the cattle they’re guarding? How did they cross our borders? Is Nigeria now a grazing reserve for nomadic herders from across Africa?

If these herders are foreign trespassers, invading our farms and raping and killing our people, shouldn’t Nigerians have the right to defend themselves by any means necessary? A recent court ruling in Taraba State says otherwise. He is wrong on the law and on the facts. At this merciless point, can you blame anyone for choosing to strike first rather than wait to be slaughtered? That is what many now call a preemptive right—defend first, ask questions later. To the herders and their backers, it’s about protecting investments. But for ordinary Nigerians, it’s about survival.

Let me state for the record: before the Rwandan genocide exploded into full-scale extermination and destruction, it began with denial, suppression, and silence in the face of repeated, smaller atrocities.

It is deeply troubling that those in positions of authority in Abuja continue to exhibit a disturbing level of indifference in the face of such relentless and senseless violence. This is not just negligence, it is a morbid apathy, and a stark indictment of the leadership in Abuja and the nation's security apparatus.

How has the value of human life deteriorated to this extent in our country? The IGP should wake up or resign. This is not just negligence, it is a morbid apathy, and a stark indictment of the leadership in Abuja and the nation's security apparatus.

It is either that the conquest mission unfolding in Benue/Plateau is state-sponsored to create a settlement in Nigeria for Foreign Fulani, or those in the position to act do not consider stopping the carnage a national priority. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must put a stop to that school of thought, not by utterances, but by the patriotism of the combat boots on the ground in the Middle-Belt. 

Let it be clearly stated: the indigenous people of Benue and Plateau, or of Nigeria, will never abandon their ancestral lands, nor will they live in exile within their own country. 

Pathway to Sustainable Peace in the Iranian/Israeli Conflict. June 14, 2025

 The conflict between Iran and Israel remains one of the most complex and volatile geopolitical issues in the Middle East. 

For those unfamiliar with the conflict between the two nation-states, despite their lack of shared borders, the issue is straightforward. 

Israel regards Iran’s overt hostility as an existential threat, fearing that the development and possession of nuclear weapons by Iran would enable the potential destruction of Israel with the press of a button. 

Consequently, Israel is driven to adopt a proactive security posture aimed at preventing Iran’s nuclear advancement by all means necessary, including covert operations such as targeted assassinations of Iranian nuclear scientists and military leaders.

This underlying tension constitutes the core of the conflict. In the absence of a comprehensive peace agreement, targeted killings and military actions on both sides are expected to continue. This reality shapes the perspective and proposed resolutions discussed in this essay.

Learning from History

Preventing a full-blown war between Israel and Iran for sustainable peace and development is not impractical. However, the parties, specifically Iran, must be open to sacrifices that have engendered peace elsewhere. It calls for preempting the justification underscoring Israeli preemptive strikes. The mechanics of that understanding are what this essay is about.

There was a time when compromise and tolerance were not mistaken for weakness in global peace and conflict management. What happened to the spirit of the Camp David Accords, when Egypt and Israel, under the leadership of Anwar Sadat and Menachem Begin, brokered peace with the help of U.S. President Jimmy Carter?

That moment was more than diplomacy; it was a testament to what visionary leadership could achieve in the face of long-standing conflict. "Return my land that you captured during the 6-Day War, and I will recognise your right to exist." Period.

Today, Egypt is one of the most peaceful, economically developed, and technologically advanced nations in the developing world. And next to Israel, it receives the highest aid or support from the United States of America.

The Exigency of Sacrifice

Now that the threat of war between Israel and Iran grows more real by the day, we must ask: where are those minds now? Where is the statesmanship willing to put people above pride?

Iran must tread carefully. It stands at a crossroads, facing decisions that could lead to renewal or destruction. Yes, renewal or self-destruction.

The case of President Saddam Hussein is a stark reminder. Though in reality Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction, what the global community, and even UN inspectors, did not fully grasp was that Saddam Hussein's refusal to allow unrestricted inspections stemmed from a strategic calculation: he did not want his primary adversary, Iran, to discover the true extent of Iraq's military weakness, especially when compared to Iran's more advanced capabilities. He paid for the miscalculation and let his country become impoverished.

That ambiguity, combined with political brinkmanship, opened the door to the 2003 American invasion, following the twin-tower bombing instigated by Saudi dissidents. The consequences were catastrophic. Saddam and his sons are gone. Iraq has never fully recovered.

Another cautionary tale is Hamas. For years, it operated behind the shield of Gaza’s civilian population, launching rockets into Israel without regard for consequences. Now, nearly two years into a full-scale conflict, Gaza is in ruins. Thousands of Palestinians are dead. And Hamas — once a powerful voice — is likely to have no seat at the table in any postwar Gaza reconstruction or administration. 

Consequently, the Palestinian people are paying the highest price. Economically and militarily, they are worse off today than when the conflict began. The blame lies not only with Israel’s overwhelming force but with Hamas’s short-sighted provocations, including kidnappings and indiscriminate attacks.

My position here is not a justification for Israel’s destruction of Gaza or the unbearable suffering of innocent Palestinians. However, for those who claim to lead in the name of the people, there comes a time when fighting must give way to foresight. 

The same applies to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If you cannot fight a conventional war, do not fight from behind civilians. The use of human shields is neither a tactic of resistance nor one of honour. It is a grave moral failing. For years, Lebanon has not known peace or progress - a casualty of its hospitality.

Look to Egypt. Look to Jordan. They choose the path of peace, and their people are better for it. 

I’ve had the pleasure of meeting a few Iranians, and I must say, they are quintessentially urbane and remarkably hospitable. They deserve a meaningful presence in today’s modern world, one that is full of opportunities for renewal and new beginnings.

Rationalisation or Cost-Benefit Analysis.

"Every gambler knows that the secret to survive is knowing what to throw away and knowing what to keep 'cause every hand's a winner and every hand's a loser. And the best that you can hope for is to die in your sleep." An Excerpt from "The Gambler" by Kenny Rogers.

Leadership must be guided, not only by ideology, but also by reality. Know your limitations. Know when to stop. Know when to choose peace. And know when to be recalcitrant, even though realities have proven that to be a loser.

Iran still has a choice. It can step back from the brink. It can stop giving the U.S. and Israel reasons to justify war. If the issue is nuclear weapons - no doubt, it is - then meet international demands with transparency and cooperation as permitted by the U.N. and global observers. This is not surrender. It is a strategy. It is survival.

Iran is a nation of extraordinary potential. With vast oil reserves, a rich cultural legacy, and an educated population, it has every ingredient for greatness. However, it must make a sacrifice. Let go of aggression. Be the next UAE. Invest in your people. Separate religion from state. If Iran focuses on human development and modernisation, it could quadruple its standard of living within a decade.

Stop offering the world reasons to justify isolation or attack. Strategic compromise is not a sign of weakness; it is a path to greatness. Let the well-being of your people, not the sound of missiles, be the benchmark of your strength.

Conclusion

Now is the time for Iran, Israel, and the United States leadership to rediscover and adopt the wisdom of those great minds who once chose peace over conflict and sustainable development over the ruins of war.

June 14, 2025

LEADERSHIP: A Genuine Commitment to Peace and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict — Part One

It takes true greatness to compromise and make peace with your enemies. One powerful example is King Hussein of Jordan sharing a cigarette with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin after the signing of the Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty on October 26, 1994, facilitated by U.S. President Bill Clinton. In the photograph, the two leaders are seen talking on the shore of the Sea of Galilee.

When you reflect on those photos in the context of the current violence between the Palestinian people and the State of Israel, it's hard not to feel sorrow.

Here are two former adversaries, once bitter enemies, standing together, sharing a quiet moment after countless rounds of bilateral and multilateral negotiations.

That is what a genuine commitment to peace looks like. That is what leadership looks like. Sadly, it is exactly what is missing today in the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

May 16, 2021

A Tribute to the Torchbearers of Truth: Honoring the Writers Behind the June 12 Democracy - June 12, 2025

Movement June 12, 1993, stands as one of the most defining moments in Nigeria’s political history — a day that birthed a democratic movement, powered not only by ballots and protests, but by the courage of pens. I was a student at the Nigerian Law School, Lagos, Nigeria, when it happened. I am an eyewitness to history.

In a time when silence could have been safe and neutrality could have been profitable, a generation of Nigerian writers and journalists chose instead to speak truth to power, using words as weapons against tyranny and injustice.

Not unexpectedly, TELL Magazine went underground, and so did its writers and most other journalists and their publications. As a devotee staying at the Igbosere Hostel of the Nigerian Law School, Lagos, at the time, I knew when and where to find the vendors to get my copies.

I was involved, not as a combatant on the battlefield, but as a consumer of the truth to heighten public awareness.

As a devoted reader of The Guardian newspaper, Newswatch, and TELL magazine during those years, I witnessed firsthand the bravery and brilliance that defined Nigerian journalism. Those pages weren’t just ink on paper; they were battlefields where conscience and courage met. The names that graced those columns remain etched in my memory, not just as writers but as patriots and prophets.

While it is gratifying to see the President paying tributes to icons like Dare Babarinsa (TELL), Odia Ofeimun (The Guardian), Nosa Igiebor (TELL), and the late Prof. Festus Iyayi (UNIBEN), and Bayo Onanuga (Concord), just to name a few, we must also remember the others whose voices helped shape the resistance: Sonala Olumhense (Guardian), Onome Osifo-Whiskey (TELL), Dele Omotunde (TELL), and Kayode Komolafe, among others. Their words carried weight. They asked the hard questions. They paid the price. And I was addicted to them.

The 80s and 90s print media revolution in Nigeria was fueled by voices like Odia Ofeimun, Dare Babarinsa, Olatunji Dare, Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese, Edwin Madunagu, Nosa Igiebor, Bayo Onanuga, Emeka Izeze, Adebayo Williams, Tuni Lardner Jr., Ashikiwe Edione Egom, Chief Effiong, Dele Giwa, Mike Awoyinfa, Babafemi Ojudu, Pini Jason, G.G Darah, Niyi Osundare, Sam Omatseye, Uzor Maxim Uzoatu, Dele Momodu, Godwin Sogolo, Andy Akporugo, Femi Osofisan, Stanley Macebuh, Sonala Olumhense, Sonny Ojeagbase, Mohammed Haruna, Trigo Egbegi, Mtchel Obi, Chinweizu, Matthew Hassan Kukah, Duro Onabule, Yemi Ogunbiyi, Lade Bonuola, Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade, Dele Omotunde, Onome Osifo-Whiskey, and Oluwajuyitan of the Guardian (I hope I got the spelling right). These were not just journalists or academics; they were guardians of truth, lighting candles in a country gripped by darkness.

With my meagre salary as an Articled Clerk at a firm of Auditors and Chartered Accountants after my high school graduation and later as a university student during that era, I recall choosing my daily Guardian plus Sunday Tribune and Concord over breakfast. When TELL magazine hit the stands, I had to tighten my belt, literally. It wasn’t just about reading; it was about belonging to a national conscience that refused to be silenced.

These writers kept the spirit of June 12 alive long after the votes were annulled and the streets cleared. Through essays, editorials, poetry, and prose, they gave voice to the voiceless and strength to the weak. They reminded us that democracy is not a gift from those in power, but a right earned and defended by the people, often with the help of those who dare to write.

As we mark another anniversary of June 12, may we remember not only the votes cast but the words written. May the current generation of Nigerian writers and journalists find inspiration in those who came before them. I'm talking about the pen warriors who wrote with fire in their hearts and freedom on their minds.

Nigeria owes you more than can ever be repaid.

June 12, 2025.

Me, Elon Musk, and Mr. President.

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/16QssyEx6D/

Did anyone think it necessary or reasonable to remind Elon Musk that he crossed the line with some of his tweets about President Donald J. Trump, specifically the Epstein story, which came up after their public fallout? I did.

I didn’t find it funny or reasonable to see Mr. Musk dragging up an old story about a friend in a highly sensitive public position, especially in disagreement over an unrelated economic issue - the budget bill and taxation.

I expressed my reservations, something unexpected from a progressive Democrat who might be expected to celebrate Elon Musk’s break-dancing. But in good conscience, I couldn't support it. I consider it an aberration.

This is a matter of integrity - reflecting standing by what is right and rejecting the disdainful, regardless of political affiliation. Even though I am neither a Republican nor a supporter of President Trump or Elon Musk, I didn’t hesitate to express concern.

Just a few days ago, like a bolt from the blue, Elon Musk acknowledged that he had overstepped the bounds of decency in his harsh criticism of President Trump following their breakup. Though the public acceptance of guilt may be seen as courageous, it's certainly mercy after death - the trust factor is irredeemably damaged. 

In conclusion, all of us need to recognise when to draw the line and exercise restraint in public discussions, even when no one is watching. It's called "integrity."

On ICE Raids and the Value of Undocumented Workers: A Perspective Inspired by President Clinton - June 11, 2025

I have always admired President Bill Clinton. His understanding of immigration and the vital role immigrants play in building America deserves an honest conversation, if not consideration. I share his conviction regarding their importance, especially undocumented workers, many of whom contribute significantly to the economy in a quiet yet meaningful manner.

I wonder what Silicon Valley, the limo/taxi transportation industry, or the healthcare sector would look like today without immigrants, considering that many people working in these sectors were once undocumented or came to the U.S. without legal status.

Ongoing ICE crackdowns are likely to create significant labour shortages in essential industries, such as agriculture and auto repair. Farm work, especially crop harvesting, relies heavily on immigrant labour, much of which is undocumented.

Industries like cleaning services and fast-food joints, which heavily rely on this workforce, are likely already experiencing labour shortages due to immigration enforcement. Similarly, many small auto repair shops rely on skilled workers who entered the country without legal status.

Also, consider the men who wait outside establishments like Home Depot, regardless of the weather - rain, snow, or shine - in the hope that a contractor will stop to hire a few extra hands for a construction job. I have had the pleasure of meeting a few of them over the years.

Although they may not possess legal status, they are not criminals. Rather, they are labourers, tradesmen, and contributors to the thriving real estate and property development sector. Some have acquired skills in demolition and reconstruction, learning trades on the job. They fill critical labour gaps and perform jobs that are essential, albeit often overlooked.

Yet, today, many are being apprehended and deported by ICE. It is painful to watch. This country, renowned for offering second chances, now feels less like a land of opportunity for those endeavouring to earn an honest living.

These sectors, undoubtedly vital to the economy, could face disruptions if immigration enforcement continues without a parallel strategy to address the labour gap.

Of course, those involved in criminal activity, regardless of their documentation status, must face the law.

However, it is challenging to comprehend why someone would spend a fortune or risk so much to come to America, only to engage in criminal behaviour.

This does not represent the majority of undocumented immigrants.

Most undocumented immigrants from Africa or the Caribbean Islands are not involved in gang activity or crime. They would rather join the military than stay on the street, doing nothing.

Those from French-speaking West-African countries take English classes on arrival, learn trades, and seek upward mobility, while endeavouring to obtain legal residency through legitimate means.

One reminder for South American immigrants: America is not a bilingual country. While Spanish is widely spoken, English remains the official and dominant language. It's not legally mandatory, but essential for proper integration.

It's not uncommon to find Spanish-speaking home builders, commercial drivers, or automobile mechanics who’ve been here for decades, yet still struggle with or cannot speak a word of English. Learning the language should be a top priority. It facilitates integration.

That's a major handicap for immigrants from Haiti, specifically the guys. English is not their first or second language, and I believe that continues to play a role in their smooth integration and susceptibility to gang involvement on arrival in the United States. 

In conclusion, given the intensity of the ongoing constitutional crises in California centred on the use of the military (deployment of the National Guard) by President Donald Trump, I firmly believe that we need a more nuanced conversation that distinguishes between those who contribute and those who exploit. Raiding workplaces to apprehend workers by ICE created the protest and resistance. Compassion and common sense should guide our policies before they escalate into a nationwide crackdown or violent confrontation.

Lagos, Nigeria

June 11, 2025

Mr Dele Momodu and the Journalism of Patronage: Reflecting on the Exceptional Public Service of Prof. Jubril Aminu. - June 10, 2025

 Every accomplishment Mr. Dele Momodu shared about Prof. Jubril Aminu in a trending story on his Facebook Page is factually accurate. However, as someone who was both a student and an active journalist during the tenure of this celebrated national hero, Mr. Momodu had a responsibility to provide a fuller picture. He could have offered his readers some context, perhaps a disclaimer or a mention of Prof. Aminu’s well-documented episodes of ethnic bias. He did not. That omission is why I write this essay: for posterity, and as a contribution toward building a truly inclusive nation where your place of birth or surname has no bearing on your right to serve or benefit from your country.

As Executive Secretary of the National Universities Commission (NUC), Dr. Aminu oversaw the removal of subsidised feeding for university students — a policy reversal that triggered the infamous "ALI MUST GO" student riots of the mid-1970s. His underlying goal, it seemed, was to bridge what he considered an educational gap between North and South by any means necessary, even if that meant undermining national education policies that made university education easier. If a program appeared to benefit the South disproportionately, he was against it. Period.

He authored a 53-page memo to the military Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo, where he argued fiercely against free university education. His rationale was that such a policy would widen the gap between Southern and Northern Nigeria. He feared that free university education would allow financially disadvantaged students from the more educationally advanced Southern states to pursue university education, thereby exacerbating regional disparities. His proposal won the day, and the idea was shelved. Only in Nigeria. Today, he is a national hero.

In his own words:

“In the universities themselves, the Federal Government is now contemplating introducing free education. Whatever may be the merits of this considered step, its likely effect on the university population must be mentioned. It is going to result in an even greater imbalance in enrollment, for the simple reason that at the moment, there are a fair number of highly eligible candidates for university education, mainly from the educationally advanced states, who unfortunately cannot enter university simply on financial grounds.”

Interpretation: With a free university education program in place, qualified candidates who were previously unable to attend university due to financial constraints, particularly those from educationally advanced states, will now have the opportunity to do so, thereby widening the existing educational gap between the two regions (imbalance in enrollment). He disagreed with this realisation and explicitly stated his dissent in the memo for General Obasanjo to hear.

See “Educational Imbalance: Its Extent, History, Dangers and Correction in Nigeria,” by Dr Jubril Aminu, Executive Secretary, National Universities Commission.

Dr. Aminu's argument was rooted in ethnically influenced logic: that a nationwide free university education policy would widen the already existing educational gap between the North and the South. Why? Because candidates from the "educationally advanced states," mainly in the South, who were previously kept out of university due to financial limitations, would now have access. 

Rather than focusing on how the policy could benefit the North, he was disproportionately concerned about the South gaining an advantage. 

He further argued, elsewhere in the memo, that poor Northern families would not embrace the policy to the same extent as their Southern counterparts, citing a cultural aversion to Western education and values. 

On this unproven, shaky, and ethically biased foundation, he concluded that free education was not a national priority. Unfortunately, the federal military government at the time accepted his arguments. 

He won, and although a dream died, it lives to thrive another day. The affected candidates began trooping abroad by any means necessary, borrowing money and mortgaging their parents' houses. They are the ones strengthening the economy of their respective states today and developing their communities with repatriated funds.

In hindsight, Dr. Aminu NEVER accurately represented the views of the Talakawa or the Almajiri. That’s why I’ve never supported calls to dismantle Nigeria - the helpless do not have a voice, be they Southerners or Northerners. They suffer unimaginable class-based deprivations and marginalisation at the hands of the feudal few. And it’s also why I harbour no reservations expressing my views, especially when opposing policies rooted in ethnic biases and calling out the individuals behind them.

Despite this blatant ethnic chauvinism, Prof. Aminu went on to become Minister of Education, Minister of Petroleum Resources under President Babangida, and later served as Nigeria’s Ambassador to the United States.

His tenure as Minister of Education was marked by a bitter confrontation with Dr. Festus Iyayi of the University of Benin (UNIBEN) over the rights and better working conditions of university lecturers - ASUU. At the height of this conflict, authorities mobilised motor park thugs from Uselu Motor Park in Benin City to forcibly evict Dr. Iyayi and his family from their staff quarters. Their belongings were dumped at the UNIBEN gate along the Benin-Lagos road.

As Education Minister, Prof Aminu launched the Nomadic Education program, aimed at integrating pastoralist communities into the education system, with sweeping federal support. It ultimately failed after a few years of trial - another lost opportunity.

As Vice Chancellor of the University of Maiduguri, Prof. Aminu declared publicly that Southern lecturers would no longer be accepted at the university. He even listed the categories of lecturers he deemed acceptable in order of preference: (1) Northerners, (2) Whites, and (3) Indians.

Despite this unapologetically discriminatory posture, he still went on to occupy top national roles. This would be unimaginable in any functional democracy. But again, this is Nigeria.

Yes, Prof. Aminu was a brilliant medical scholar. But as an administrator, he was openly bigoted. His divisive ideology bore similarities to that of Prof. Ango Abdullahi of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. If anyone is curious how educated Northerners with extreme ethnic and religious views manage to secure federal appointments, they need only look at the case of Dr. Isa Pantami—a campus religious extremist who rose to become a minister under President Buhari. In Nigeria, tribal and religious chauvinism has somehow become a résumé booster for a select few. 

Today, the same school of thought continues. Ethnic chauvinists now roam freely, positioning themselves as kingmakers for the 2027 presidential elections. That kind of behaviour would not be tolerated in any politically enlightened society, where electoral credibility isn't sacrificed for financial or tribal interests.

This time, however, things must change. The inequality and insecurity perpetuated across the North, built on decades of feudal philosophy, misinformation, and intellectual sabotage, must no longer be rewarded with national appointments.

In truth, Prof. Aminu closed the door on what could have been a major educational breakthrough in the North. His belief that Northern parents inherently reject Western education was not only unfounded but also tragic in its consequences. He prioritised regional rivalry over national progress. He was wrong then, and his logic remains deeply flawed today.

Ironically, under President Tinubu’s administration, the university student loan program, initiated by NELFUND, shows that Northern universities are now the biggest beneficiaries. Here's the funding breakdown for the top eight institutions:

1. Bayero University, Kano State – ₦853,775,000

2. University of Maiduguri, Borno State – ₦589,001,500

3. Federal University, Dutsin-Ma, Katsina State – ₦304,961,800

4. University of Jos, Plateau State – ₦209,320,000

5. Federal University, Dutse, Jigawa State – ₦207,106,000

6. University of Ibadan, Oyo State – ₦201,116,650

7. Federal University, Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State – ₦130,002,000

8. University of Lagos, Lagos State – ₦122,494,400

If this initiative had been proposed during Prof. Aminu’s time, he likely would have opposed it, assuming it favoured the South. Yet here we are, Northern universities topping the funding list. This exposes the fallacy in his argument and the damage such a worldview has done.

It's now clear how a few loud clannish intellectuals, driven by fear of Southern progress, succeeded in undereducating the North, creating a legacy of socioeconomic stagnation that fuels today's security crisis. 

Imagine what might have been if Obasanjo’s proposal for free university education had been adopted. The North would be richer in human capital and enterprise today.

In conclusion, history doesn't just repeat itself; it worsens when we refuse to learn from it. We must set the record straight. Today, we spend billions fighting insecurity rooted in decades of educational neglect. The funds that should have built schools, research centres, and industries are now spent on conflict.

I love Nigeria equally - West, East, North, and South - no matter who you are or where you come from. I am the author of the Almajiri Integrative Educational Model, a classroom presentation during my graduate studies at Harvard - a concept more practical than the failed Normadic Education of the Minister. 

Yet, I am from the Esan tribe, a Southern Christian, unreservedly concerned about the Almajiri Population and how to end the culture and integrate the victims into the larger economy. 

I support a strong one-nation state of equal rights and justice where no institution or power in Abuja will direct me on what to do with the resources in my ancestral backyard. Call it true federalism, regionalism, or restructuring, you'd be right, after all, what significance does a name hold?.

However, I strongly hold that those who use ethnic and religious sentiments to secure public office without improving the lives of ordinary Nigerians around them have no business in the corridors of power. If we truly believe Nigeria is worth saving, we must not hesitate to name and reject those who sabotage national unity for personal gain.

Abuja, FCT, Nigeria

June 10, 2025

Open Letter to Engr. David Umahi, Minister of Works: Urgent Action Needed on the Agbor–Uromi Federal Highway

Dear Hon. Minister,

I write to draw your urgent attention to the deplorable condition of the Agbor/Igbanke/Ekpon/Ebelle/Igueben/Ugbegun/Uromi Road — a major federal highway that connects the Benin-Asaba expressway to Esanland in Edo State.

Since 2014, this strategic road has remained in a state of severe disrepair. Today, it is nearly impossible to travel from the Niger Delta into Esanland via the Agbor–Uromi axis. What was once a straightforward two-hour journey from cities like Warri, Sapele, or Ughelli to Esanland has now become a convoluted five-hour ordeal.

Current Travel Realities.

If you’re traveling from the Niger Delta towns via Agbor, you can no longer drive straight to Uromi or Ewohimi by the usual Agbor/Uromi road.

Instead, you must detour:

Eastward: Turn right onto the Benin-Asaba Road toward Asaba, then left at Onicha-Ugbo to access Ewohimi, Ewatto, Ubiaja, and eventually Uromi.

Westward: Turn left as though heading to Benin City, then right toward Oza village to reach Igbanke, Ekpon, and Ebelle to either Uromi or Ewohimi.

Now that the Oza/Igbanke/Ekpon axis has also deteriorated, many are forced to continue on the Benin/Asaba highway, turning right to Ugoneki village toward Ujiogba and navigating through Ogwa, Ebelle, Ewossa, Ekpon to Ewohimi, or alternatively through Igueben and Ugbegun to finally reach Uromi.

These detours are not only time-consuming, but they are dangerous. The road conditions are appalling, and the time and economic cost are rising sharply for residents, commuters, and businesses.

Also, driving from Benin City to Esanland is a challenge, no matter the route. The eastern axis through Agbor/Igbanke/Ekpon/Ebelle or Agbor/Igbanke/Ekpon/Ewohimi is just as deplorable as the western axis through Iruekpen and Ekpoma. The northern route from Abuja/Lokoja via Ewu offers no relief either.

Whichever direction you approach from, Esanland has been virtually cut off from the rest of the country for over twelve years. This level of neglect is unsustainable.

Security Implications.

Travel routes into and out of Esanland are now a maze of danger. Because the major connections are now impassable, travellers are forced into convoluted and dangerous alternatives.

This is no longer merely a matter of poor infrastructure; it is a security crisis. The forced detours through remote, unmonitored areas have rendered travellers vulnerable to criminal attacks.

I speak from personal experience. While travelling with family members from Ewohimi via Onicha-Ugbo to connect Benin/Asaba road to Benin City, a few kilometres from Onicha-Ugbo, we narrowly escaped a kidnapping and armed robbery attempt. Our vehicle was riddled with bullets. It was a harrowing encounter, and by sheer luck, we survived.

However, many others have not been as fortunate. These routes have become hotspots for ambushes, placing the lives of law-abiding Nigerian traders, students, families, and transport workers at daily risk.

A Call to Action

As someone who drives these roads regularly, I can attest firsthand to the suffering of our people. I write this not only as a concerned citizen but on behalf of the men and women of Esanland and all those who depend on this vital link.

We respectfully appeal to you, Engr. David Umahi and President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to prioritise the rehabilitation and reconstruction of this critical highway, the Agbor/Uromi road. Restoring this strategic route is not only a matter of infrastructure, but a matter of national security, economic survival, human dignity, regional connectivity, and national unity.

The people of Esanland and the entire Niger Delta communities deserve safe, reliable, and efficient road networks. We cannot continue to risk lives and livelihoods for so long because of government inaction.

Please act now. Esanland deserves better, and the stakes are too high for further delay.

Sincerely,

Barr Alex Ehi Aidaghese 

Ewohimi, Edo State, Nigeria

June 09, 2025