Monday, June 16, 2025

Mr Dele Momodu and the Journalism of Patronage: Reflecting on the Exceptional Public Service of Prof. Jubril Aminu. - June 10, 2025

 Every accomplishment Mr. Dele Momodu shared about Prof. Jubril Aminu in a trending story on his Facebook Page is factually accurate. However, as someone who was both a student and an active journalist during the tenure of this celebrated national hero, Mr. Momodu had a responsibility to provide a fuller picture. He could have offered his readers some context, perhaps a disclaimer or a mention of Prof. Aminu’s well-documented episodes of ethnic bias. He did not. That omission is why I write this essay: for posterity, and as a contribution toward building a truly inclusive nation where your place of birth or surname has no bearing on your right to serve or benefit from your country.

As Executive Secretary of the National Universities Commission (NUC), Dr. Aminu oversaw the removal of subsidised feeding for university students — a policy reversal that triggered the infamous "ALI MUST GO" student riots of the mid-1970s. His underlying goal, it seemed, was to bridge what he considered an educational gap between North and South by any means necessary, even if that meant undermining national education policies that made university education easier. If a program appeared to benefit the South disproportionately, he was against it. Period.

He authored a 53-page memo to the military Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo, where he argued fiercely against free university education. His rationale was that such a policy would widen the gap between Southern and Northern Nigeria. He feared that free university education would allow financially disadvantaged students from the more educationally advanced Southern states to pursue university education, thereby exacerbating regional disparities. His proposal won the day, and the idea was shelved. Only in Nigeria. Today, he is a national hero.

In his own words:

“In the universities themselves, the Federal Government is now contemplating introducing free education. Whatever may be the merits of this considered step, its likely effect on the university population must be mentioned. It is going to result in an even greater imbalance in enrollment, for the simple reason that at the moment, there are a fair number of highly eligible candidates for university education, mainly from the educationally advanced states, who unfortunately cannot enter university simply on financial grounds.”

Interpretation: With a free university education program in place, qualified candidates who were previously unable to attend university due to financial constraints, particularly those from educationally advanced states, will now have the opportunity to do so, thereby widening the existing educational gap between the two regions (imbalance in enrollment). He disagreed with this realisation and explicitly stated his dissent in the memo for General Obasanjo to hear.

See “Educational Imbalance: Its Extent, History, Dangers and Correction in Nigeria,” by Dr Jubril Aminu, Executive Secretary, National Universities Commission.

Dr. Aminu's argument was rooted in ethnically influenced logic: that a nationwide free university education policy would widen the already existing educational gap between the North and the South. Why? Because candidates from the "educationally advanced states," mainly in the South, who were previously kept out of university due to financial limitations, would now have access. 

Rather than focusing on how the policy could benefit the North, he was disproportionately concerned about the South gaining an advantage. 

He further argued, elsewhere in the memo, that poor Northern families would not embrace the policy to the same extent as their Southern counterparts, citing a cultural aversion to Western education and values. 

On this unproven, shaky, and ethically biased foundation, he concluded that free education was not a national priority. Unfortunately, the federal military government at the time accepted his arguments. 

He won, and although a dream died, it lives to thrive another day. The affected candidates began trooping abroad by any means necessary, borrowing money and mortgaging their parents' houses. They are the ones strengthening the economy of their respective states today and developing their communities with repatriated funds.

In hindsight, Dr. Aminu NEVER accurately represented the views of the Talakawa or the Almajiri. That’s why I’ve never supported calls to dismantle Nigeria - the helpless do not have a voice, be they Southerners or Northerners. They suffer unimaginable class-based deprivations and marginalisation at the hands of the feudal few. And it’s also why I harbour no reservations expressing my views, especially when opposing policies rooted in ethnic biases and calling out the individuals behind them.

Despite this blatant ethnic chauvinism, Prof. Aminu went on to become Minister of Education, Minister of Petroleum Resources under President Babangida, and later served as Nigeria’s Ambassador to the United States.

His tenure as Minister of Education was marked by a bitter confrontation with Dr. Festus Iyayi of the University of Benin (UNIBEN) over the rights and better working conditions of university lecturers - ASUU. At the height of this conflict, authorities mobilised motor park thugs from Uselu Motor Park in Benin City to forcibly evict Dr. Iyayi and his family from their staff quarters. Their belongings were dumped at the UNIBEN gate along the Benin-Lagos road.

As Education Minister, Prof Aminu launched the Nomadic Education program, aimed at integrating pastoralist communities into the education system, with sweeping federal support. It ultimately failed after a few years of trial - another lost opportunity.

As Vice Chancellor of the University of Maiduguri, Prof. Aminu declared publicly that Southern lecturers would no longer be accepted at the university. He even listed the categories of lecturers he deemed acceptable in order of preference: (1) Northerners, (2) Whites, and (3) Indians.

Despite this unapologetically discriminatory posture, he still went on to occupy top national roles. This would be unimaginable in any functional democracy. But again, this is Nigeria.

Yes, Prof. Aminu was a brilliant medical scholar. But as an administrator, he was openly bigoted. His divisive ideology bore similarities to that of Prof. Ango Abdullahi of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. If anyone is curious how educated Northerners with extreme ethnic and religious views manage to secure federal appointments, they need only look at the case of Dr. Isa Pantami—a campus religious extremist who rose to become a minister under President Buhari. In Nigeria, tribal and religious chauvinism has somehow become a résumé booster for a select few. 

Today, the same school of thought continues. Ethnic chauvinists now roam freely, positioning themselves as kingmakers for the 2027 presidential elections. That kind of behaviour would not be tolerated in any politically enlightened society, where electoral credibility isn't sacrificed for financial or tribal interests.

This time, however, things must change. The inequality and insecurity perpetuated across the North, built on decades of feudal philosophy, misinformation, and intellectual sabotage, must no longer be rewarded with national appointments.

In truth, Prof. Aminu closed the door on what could have been a major educational breakthrough in the North. His belief that Northern parents inherently reject Western education was not only unfounded but also tragic in its consequences. He prioritised regional rivalry over national progress. He was wrong then, and his logic remains deeply flawed today.

Ironically, under President Tinubu’s administration, the university student loan program, initiated by NELFUND, shows that Northern universities are now the biggest beneficiaries. Here's the funding breakdown for the top eight institutions:

1. Bayero University, Kano State – ₦853,775,000

2. University of Maiduguri, Borno State – ₦589,001,500

3. Federal University, Dutsin-Ma, Katsina State – ₦304,961,800

4. University of Jos, Plateau State – ₦209,320,000

5. Federal University, Dutse, Jigawa State – ₦207,106,000

6. University of Ibadan, Oyo State – ₦201,116,650

7. Federal University, Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State – ₦130,002,000

8. University of Lagos, Lagos State – ₦122,494,400

If this initiative had been proposed during Prof. Aminu’s time, he likely would have opposed it, assuming it favoured the South. Yet here we are, Northern universities topping the funding list. This exposes the fallacy in his argument and the damage such a worldview has done.

It's now clear how a few loud clannish intellectuals, driven by fear of Southern progress, succeeded in undereducating the North, creating a legacy of socioeconomic stagnation that fuels today's security crisis. 

Imagine what might have been if Obasanjo’s proposal for free university education had been adopted. The North would be richer in human capital and enterprise today.

In conclusion, history doesn't just repeat itself; it worsens when we refuse to learn from it. We must set the record straight. Today, we spend billions fighting insecurity rooted in decades of educational neglect. The funds that should have built schools, research centres, and industries are now spent on conflict.

I love Nigeria equally - West, East, North, and South - no matter who you are or where you come from. I am the author of the Almajiri Integrative Educational Model, a classroom presentation during my graduate studies at Harvard - a concept more practical than the failed Normadic Education of the Minister. 

Yet, I am from the Esan tribe, a Southern Christian, unreservedly concerned about the Almajiri Population and how to end the culture and integrate the victims into the larger economy. 

I support a strong one-nation state of equal rights and justice where no institution or power in Abuja will direct me on what to do with the resources in my ancestral backyard. Call it true federalism, regionalism, or restructuring, you'd be right, after all, what significance does a name hold?.

However, I strongly hold that those who use ethnic and religious sentiments to secure public office without improving the lives of ordinary Nigerians around them have no business in the corridors of power. If we truly believe Nigeria is worth saving, we must not hesitate to name and reject those who sabotage national unity for personal gain.

Abuja, FCT, Nigeria

June 10, 2025

No comments:

Post a Comment

The Lord is my Shepherd; I shall not want.

Section 15 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria: A Shield for Unity or a Tool for Territorial Invasion?

  Does Section 15 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) override the rights of state governors or local ...