Dr Asue Ighodalo and the Price of Political Retribution

The recent dismissal of Dr. Asue Ighodalo’s election petition by the Court of Appeal signifies not only a legal development but a political struggle in a long-standing feud between two titans of Edo State politics: Governor Godwin Obaseki and Senator Adams Oshiomhole. The judgment reflects less on his personal credentials, the wishes of the voters, or his electoral popularity, and more on the enduring political vendettas that afflict Nigeria’s democratic landscape, where political scores are settled through a judicial system that is intended to uphold justice. Simply put, Dr. Asue Ighodalo became a casualty in conflicts he did not initiate. I will explain.

Fast-forward to the 2024 Edo State gubernatorial election cycle: Dr. Asue Ighodalo, a corporate lawyer without political baggage and a respected technocrat possessing an impressive résumé but limited political experience, emerged as the PDP’s candidate. He is believed to have the backing of Governor Godwin Obaseki. Thus, for many political observers, Dr. Ighodalo’s candidacy represented not merely a personal aspiration but a continuation of Governor Obaseki’s political legacy and an attempt to maintain control of the state's political machinery. This perception set the stage for a showdown – a retribution.  

To comprehend the full context, one must revisit the collapse of the alliance between Governor Obaseki and Comrade Adams Oshiomhole. In 2016, Oshiomhole, then Edo’s outgoing governor, endorsed Mr. Godwin Obaseki as his successor, leveraging his influence to secure Obaseki's victory against the PDP’s candidate, Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu. However, by 2019, the alliance began to fracture. Governor Obaseki resisted Oshiomhole’s attempts to exert control over the state legislature, asserting his independence in a public manner that humiliated his former godfather and mentor.

The backlash was swift. Comrade Oshiomhole orchestrated Governor Obaseki’s exit from the APC, yet Obaseki, bolstered by the overwhelming support of Edo State voters, secured a second term under the PDP, handing his former mentor a rare defeat. That loss continues to be an open wound in Oshiomhole’s political career.

When Dr. Ighodalo emerged in 2024, he was not merely viewed as a candidate but as a symbol of Obaseki’s ongoing defiance. Now, as a Senator, Comrade Oshiomhole and his allies mobilised to ensure that Governor Obaseki would not prevail. The subsequent electoral loss and failed legal challenge suggest that Dr. Ighodalo was ensnared in a feud that he did not instigate and could not escape.  

The former governor, still nursing political wounds from his public fallout with Obaseki, saw in Ighodalo an opportunity to settle scores. He openly, gallantly, and unapologetically mobilised both federal power and political capital to secure Dr. Ighodalo’s defeat. This stems less from resentment towards Dr. Ighodalo himself, but more as a punishment for Obaseki’s earlier insubordination. I term this a casualty of sins he did not commit, and that’s the theme of this essay. But who benefits? Unraveling that is what this essay aims to explore.

In this battle of egos and entrenched interests, the democratic process becomes the first casualty. The rule of law, the impartiality of the judiciary, and the will of the electorate appear subordinated to the whims of power brokers. Dr. Ighodalo’s rejection by the appellate court is, therefore, emblematic of a deeper malaise: in Nigeria, electoral contests are frequently not determined at the ballot box or in courtrooms, but in the shadows of political strongmen.

Legally, the Court of Appeal ruled that Ighodalo failed to provide sufficient evidence of electoral malpractice. This aligns with an emerging pattern in Nigerian jurisprudence, where courts often impose an unreasonably high burden of proof on petitioners, necessitating documentation at the level of individual polling units. This near-impossible standard has led many to believe that in high-stakes cases, the courts are predisposed to uphold the status quo. Now, the threshold is unarguably strictly proof beyond a reasonable doubt - a standard used in criminal cases, not a preponderance of the evidence as in civil matters.  

Did the petitioner prove his case beyond a reasonable doubt? That is not the issue here. Was the election free and fair? No. Does the outcome reflect the wishes of the people? No. Were INEC and the State Security Forces complicit in defrauding the petitioner of his victory? Yes.  

Denying the petitioner and his agents access to the collation centre in Benin City is criminal per se. It undermines the validity of the final results. I was at Ramat Park in Benin City that evening, returning from Ishan, where we had gone to vote, so I witnessed this firsthand.

Dr. Ighodalo’s defeat is not merely a legal failure; it is symptomatic of Nigeria’s political decay, where justice is perceived as selective, and where candidates are evaluated not by merit or the voters' mandate but by the enemies they inherit.

What remains is a system in which individuals can be punished not for their actions, but for their affiliations. Dr. Asue Ighodalo is, in many respects, a scapegoat—a political novice ensnared in the crossfire of a long-standing feud between two men who once stood as allies.

In conclusion, democracy is sustained not only by elections and petitions but by trust in the fairness of the process. We may need to reiterate that: trust in the fairness of the process. That trust, I fear, is being eroded to extinction in our electoral processes. And that, more than any court ruling, my friends, should concern us all — TRUST IN THE SYSTEM. Until then, the fate of capable, credible technocrats like Dr. Ighodalo will continue to be determined not by their ideas or the electorate’s decision but by the grudges of godfathers and the retribution for wars they did not declare.

May 31, 2025

Disclosure: Barr. Alex Ehi Aidaghese (the author) comes from the same town as Dr. Asue Ighodalo. Nevertheless, the views he expresses here are entirely his own and are not influenced by their shared hometown or any form of tribal affiliation in any way. Adding to that, he is not a member of the People's Democratic Party (PDP).

Is Fundraising Expertise a Disqualification: A New Approach to VC Appointment in Nigerian Universities.

Who are the individuals being entrusted with the leadership and administration of our universities in Nigeria? It is a critical consideration, given the deplorable financial state and accountability deficit of most of our public universities in recent times. Effective leadership in this context requires a combination of business acumen, honesty, and a basic understanding of fundraising and revenue generation. The selection process should be based on merit, rather than familiarity or allegiance to the appointing Governor, Minister, or being a son of the soil.

In Nigeria, it is not uncommon to find a professor with limited financial management knowledge, unable to differentiate between a Balance Sheet and an Income Statement, appointed as the Vice-Chancellor or President of a university. This lack of a basic understanding of financial or management principles can hinder the university's ability to achieve economic stability and sustainability.

In contrast, American universities operate under a distinct leadership structure, comprising a President and a Board of Directors or Governing Council, which functions independently of the university President. Conversely, Nigerian Vice-Chancellors often wield absolute power, operating without checks and balances and lacking accountability.

Furthermore, Nigerian universities frequently fail to capitalise on potential revenue streams, such as conferences and seminars, short-term courses or programs for mid-career and upper-level executives, as well as an expedited transcript issuance process.

For instance, Harvard Law School has what it calls the Program on Negotiation (PON) that organises seminars on Negotiation and Arbitration almost every week, and negotiating and structuring multi-million dollar deals for institutions, governments, and corporate bodies all over the world. I believe UNILAG used to have a Business Consulting outfit that's worth considering as a model for interested universities in Nigeria.

By the way, the cumbersome process of obtaining transcripts can be a significant source of frustration for alumni, signalling alienation. Vice-Chancellors need to recognise the importance of streamlining this process and exploring opportunities for revenue generation and, at the same time, strengthening alumni ties with their alma mater.

Another disturbing case is the practice of admitting students without adequate academic infrastructure in place. This is a recent development. Universities continue to charge students fees, despite being unable to provide them with essential academic resources like lecture halls or teaching staff. The absurdity in this revenue drive mechanism is unimaginable; the approach is not only inefficient but also unfair to students and parents.

There is no doubt, the arbitrary selection process for Vice-Chancellors perpetuates a culture of complacency, hindering improvements in student welfare and creating an unfavourable environment for lecturers and non-academic staff.

To address these challenges, it is essential to prioritise management expertise and a culture of accountability within university administration. Vice-Chancellors must demonstrate a basic understanding of fundraising, entrepreneurship, financial discipline, and prudent management.

With the current administration's efforts to stabilise our academic calendar, our universities now have a unique opportunity to utilise the long summer holidays for innovative programmes that benefit both students and non-students alike.

I recall attending a JME/JAMB preparatory class in the mid-1980s at the Ekehuan campus of the University of Benin, where a renowned professor of Economics from the Ogbowo campus shared his expertise with us for a fee paid directly to the university's account. There are numerous creative ways universities can generate additional revenue without imposing further financial burdens on students and their families. This experience is one of them.

I strongly advocate for a rigorous screening process for VC candidates, involving Auditors and Chartered Accountants firms. While they may not be expected to be experts in accounting and finance, they should possess a fundamental understanding of financial management principles, leadership ethics, and organisational behaviour.

The Dangers of Anti-DEI Rhetoric: A Setback for America's Progress May 12, 20255

 President Donald J. Trump’s anti-Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiative and its accompanying rhetoric are not just misguided—they are dangerous. By targeting DEI programs and promoting propaganda that fosters division, this initiative threatens to institutionalise racial consciousness in America, setting us back from the hard-won progress made since the Emancipation Proclamation and the Civil Rights Act.

Diversity, equity, and inclusion have long been recognised as vital pillars of progress, ensuring that people from all backgrounds, regardless of race, ethnicity, or socio-economic status, have equal opportunities in education, the workplace, and society at large. These efforts are not a threat to unity; rather, they are an essential mechanism for healing the divisions that have long plagued our nation.

The anti-DEI rhetoric promoted by Trump and others is, at its core, rooted in fear and insecurity. It is an attempt to roll back the clock on civil rights advancements and to perpetuate a system where inequality and discrimination can continue unchecked. This rhetoric frames DEI initiatives as divisive when, in reality, these programs aim to bring people together by fostering understanding, empathy, and shared responsibility.

We have seen the devastating consequences of ignoring racial inequality throughout history. The Emancipation Proclamation and the Civil Rights Act were monumental steps toward racial justice, yet we are still grappling with the remnants of segregation, disenfranchisement, and systemic racism. The progress made over the past century has been hard-fought, and the victories of the Civil Rights Movement remain unfinished business.

To undo the progress of these landmark moments would be to deny the generations of Americans (Black, Indigenous, Latino, Asian, and other communities of colour) who have worked tirelessly to create a more just and inclusive society. The anti-DEI push is a direct challenge to the very values that these movements fought to secure: equality, respect, and opportunity for all.

The idea that DEI initiatives are divisive or unnecessary is not just an affront to those who benefit from them, but to the very notion of American unity. When we refuse to acknowledge the unique challenges faced by marginalised communities, we hinder our ability to come together as a nation. True unity is not about ignoring our differences; it is about celebrating and embracing them in a way that fosters understanding, collaboration, and progress.

President Trump’s anti-DEI stance represents a retreat from the progress that has made America a leader in civil rights. It’s not the path to making America great. The greatness of a nation lies not in its ability to preserve the status quo, but in its willingness to confront its flaws and make meaningful strides toward justice for all of its people.

The attacks on books and periodicals at the Department of Defence, the abrupt dismissal of General Brown as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff on February 21, 2025, and President Donald Trump’s campaign against DEI represent significant setbacks to both our institutions and the spirit of inclusion.

Tyranny and the Inviolability of the U.S. Constitution

"Tyranny is a constant in human history" - Walter R. Newell. And in the opinion of Illinois Governor, JB Pritzker, "Tyranny thrives on fear, silence, and compliance. Democracy demands courage" - Illinois Governor JB Pritzker.

Extremist ideologies, like Nazism, often begin with targeted oppression, and if left unchecked, they can escalate further. DOGE began as a campaign against DEI (Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion) and minorities, and it was initially tolerated.

Now the purge has become colour-blind but class-focused, sometimes selective, targeting known and perceived enemies. Federal agencies have degenerated into caricatures of their once-strong and reliable selves. In this environment, no one is truly safe. Societies must protect vulnerable groups and uphold democratic values to ensure the safety and well-being of all.

The momentum of the emerging nationwide demand for justice and democratic values is still being defined, requiring the active participation of citizens, policymakers, and community leaders. I have faith in America's resilience; it will persevere, and the people will emerge victorious, even without a clear direction.

During the height of the attack on Capitol Hill, a remarkable act of courage took place. The President's official driver refused to drive him to the scene, effectively thwarting his attempt to empower the insurrection. When the President attempted to drive himself, a security agent intervened, restraining him. This bold move exemplifies courage under fire and a commitment to protecting democratic values.

We must also remember the patriots who resigned from the White House and the Justice Department during the President's first term in office. Their selfless acts demonstrate a strong moral compass and dedication to upholding the principles of democracy. We salute their bravery and conviction.

From the civil rights movement to the present day, the nation has grappled with systemic injustices, social inequalities, and threats to democratic institutions. And we always win. America will overcome the madness of the moment.

Finally, the partnership between DOGE, Elon Musk, and the Trump administration is a fleeting moment in history, much like a scene in a movie - it will eventually fade away. America has weathered turbulent times before, overcoming challenges posed by President Nixon. Similarly, it will overcome this moment.

Rescuing Northern Nigeria from Internal Threats.

 It's time for a decisive shift in focus to rescue Northern Nigeria and preserve national stability. Various Northern interest groups have failed to defend the region's interests, allowing chaos to reign while diverting public resources meant for development into personal pockets.

It is hypocritical to promote nomadic traditions and glorify the Almajiri culture while providing quality education to their own children. This contradiction highlights a fundamental leadership failure and a lack of commitment to the public good. How long must a state or region remain educationally disadvantaged when it doesn't take more than four years to train Teachers?

The Western region's educational superiority in Nigeria can be attributed to the foundation laid by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his Action Group party from 1952 to 1956. So, what's hindering the Northern region's progress? The answer lies in leadership.

Boko Haram is the chickens coming home to roost. A child growing up should have a home, a government that cares, and the opportunity to make a choice about what to make of every religious doctrine contrary to the arrested development phenomenon within the Muslim faith in the northern part of the country.

They succeeded in creating generations of uneducated, easily manipulated religious extremists in their backyard – a cesspool for Boko Haram adherents and a recruitment reservoir for those who want to take over our land, appropriate our natural resources, and impose a state religion on the rest of us.

A child capable of imbibing and reciting entire Quranic verses verbatim is capable of solving, for instance, Quadratic Equations in a Mathematics class if he or she has the opportunity to take the class. No matter our perspective, it’s all about effort and the leadership we have and what their views are on education, equal rights, and egalitarianism.

We must not give up on educating these children because the informed citizenry is the most potent and decisive weapon against false beliefs and extorted indoctrination. No one would buy into the disproved belief in the North that Western education is forbidden if regular education was part of his or her adolescence.

There must be a distinction to be made between religious purity and survival instinct through purposeful engagement in the national economy. God and Allah help those who help themselves is not just a proverb; it is a fact. Our Northern Islamic Scholars, Sheikhs, and regional leaders (political and traditional) should be willing to embrace changes and accept the fact that religious freedom is most ennobling when combined with socioeconomic empowerment for ultimate emancipation.

Now what?

Former Chadian President Idriss Déby's success in taking down Boko Haram fighters on Nigerian soil a few years ago proves they're not invincible. What Déby had, and the Nigerian Armed Forces lack, is internal trust and esprit de corps – essential for maintaining operational confidentiality.

The presence of suspected moles and Boko Haram sympathisers within the military has compromised critical missions. Leaked intelligence and deployment plans have undermined national security efforts. President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his security team must prioritise addressing this internal breach of trust.

A pressing question remains: How loyal are the "rehabilitated" Boko Haram members now embedded in the Nigerian armed forces? Eliminating internal moles is the first step toward regaining security.

Finally, given the severity of the crisis, it's worth considering Western intelligence support or Private Military Companies (PMCS) on the ground to counter Boko Haram's relentless attacks. Recent reports of Boko Haram overrunning a military base in Bornu State, killing soldiers, and looting weapons are alarming. Perhaps it's time to invite Mercenaries or targeted U.S. intelligence and preemptive action to save lives and restore security.

Let's stay in faith, Nigeria is worth saving.

May 14, 2025.

Salute to U.S. Chief Justice John Roberts May 15, 2019

 "You go to the 9th Circuit and it's a disgrace," said President Donald Trump. "And I'm going to put in a major complaint because you cannot win — if you're us — a case in the 9th Circuit, and I think it's a disgrace. This was an Obama judge. And I'll tell you what, it won't happen like this anymore." President Trump, of course, is a Republican.

In a rare and pointed response, Chief Justice John Roberts replied:

“We do not have Obama judges or Trump judges, Bush judges or Clinton judges. What we have is an extraordinary group of dedicated judges doing their level best to do equal right to those appearing before them. The independent judiciary is something we should all be thankful for.”

That was an unprecedented rebuke from Chief Justice Roberts, taking strong exception to President Trump’s implication that federal judges were partisan actors, referring to one as "an Obama judge" simply because the judge had ruled against Trump’s immigration agenda. For the record, Chief Justice Roberts himself was nominated by Republican President George W. Bush.

In the context of modern American jurisprudence, Chief Justice Roberts remains something of an enigma—unpredictable at times, and certainly not beholden to ideological expectations. One striking example: when many conservatives expected the Court to strike down the Affordable Care Act (commonly known as Obamacare), Roberts surprised everyone. He defied ideological pressure and upheld the law, effectively saving it.

What makes this especially interesting—and the motivation behind this essay—is a little-known fact: when John Roberts was nominated to the Supreme Court, then-Senator Barack Obama voted against his confirmation. Despite this, thanks to a Republican Senate majority, Roberts was confirmed, not just as an Associate Justice, but as Chief Justice.

Years later, Barack Obama became President. Given the tense political climate, many expected Chief Justice Roberts to "return the favour" when the Affordable Care Act was challenged in court. After all, Obamacare was President Obama’s signature legislative achievement, passed with narrow margins and over fierce Republican opposition.

Even before the ink had dried on the law, Republican opponents flooded the courts with legal challenges, often relying on questionable legal theories. Ironically, the philosophical foundation of the ACA had originated with a Republican governor, Mitt Romney, in Massachusetts. Still, the stakes were high, and many Americans, including myself, were anxious.

Given Senator Obama’s previous opposition to his confirmation, many believed that payback was inevitable. But when the moment of truth arrived, Chief Justice Roberts shocked observers once again. He not only voted to uphold the Affordable Care Act, but he also wrote the majority opinion himself. Conservative commentators cried foul, claiming that President Bush had nominated a "stealth liberal."

Undeterred, opponents challenged the law again. When the case returned to the Supreme Court, conservatives were confident that Roberts would now vote to overturn it and restore his conservative credentials. Again, they were wrong. Roberts stood firm and again voted to preserve the law.

And just last year, he delivered the now-famous statement defending the integrity and independence of the judiciary, pushing back against the idea that judges are mere political appointees serving their party’s interests.

Today, under Chief Justice Roberts' leadership, the U.S. Supreme Court has become harder to predict. Gone are the days of strict ideological forecasts. Legal scholars and pundits alike find themselves less certain of how the Court will rule on key issues.

And that, perhaps, is the highest compliment one can pay to a Chief Justice: that he values the rule of law above politics, and strives to ensure the judiciary remains a truly independent branch of government.

West Africa Needs a United Front Against Terrorism May 19, 2025

 The recent capture of foreign-backed militiamen and armed bandits in Burkina Faso is a timely reminder that no West African country can defeat violent extremism alone.

The time has come for a bold, coordinated response that mirrors the effectiveness and spirit of the ECOMOG peacekeeping operations of the 1990s. Anything less is merely a short-term fix for a long-term regional crisis.

For countries like Burkina Faso and Mali that continue to face brutal attacks by armed groups, as well as across the Nigerian Northern region and Chad, the problem is no longer just internal.

As Nigeria makes gains in arresting and neutralising domestic threats, the vacuum is swiftly filled by cross-border infiltrators of terrorists and mercenaries fleeing pressure in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso.

It is a dangerous pattern: the harder Nigeria cracks down, the more foreign fighters slip through its porous borders. The destabilisation of one country in the region inevitably affects its neighbours. That is why collective security must be prioritised.

West African governments and the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) must set their ideological differences aside and come together in urgency and unity to declare an uncompromising holy war against all anti-state actors: bandits, insurgents, armed herders, and transnational terrorists.

This must go beyond rhetoric. It must involve joint military operations, intelligence sharing, border security coordination, and a comprehensive strategy to address the root causes of extremism, including poverty, illiteracy, disillusionment, and political exclusion.

The fight for West Africa’s stability is a national concern for each country and a regional imperative. The longer we wait, the more ground we cede to those who thrive on chaos.

This is the moment for strong political will and regional solidarity. The enemies of peace are well-organised. Our response must be even more so.

The War Against Transgender Service Members in the US Armed Forces.

 I am not an expert on military and defence studies; nevertheless, suffice it to say that the war against transgender service members in the US Armed Forces is a step backwards for America’s military and moral compass, as moral probity or combat capability is neither determined by nor dependent on sexual orientation.

This crackdown on transgender individuals is not about upholding values or the quest for values in the service; it is simply hatred exemplified. While restricting or prohibiting their participation in sporting events based on their new orientation may be permissible, any further measures are not only draconian but also irrational.

Not necessarily because I am a staunch supporter of President Bill Clinton, I have consistently endorsed his 'don't ask, don't tell' LGBT policy, as though I had a premonition that a day would come when transgender individuals would no longer be accepted or allowed to serve in the U.S. Armed Forces.

In December 1993, President Bill Clinton introduced the now-infamous "Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell" (DADT) policy. This compromise allowed gay and lesbian service members to remain in the military as long as they kept their sexual orientation private. At the time, it was criticised from all sides: conservatives deemed it too permissive, while LGBTQ+ advocates considered it a betrayal. Yet, with the benefit of hindsight, DADT may now be viewed as a pragmatic, if imperfect, attempt to carve out dignity within a divided nation.

That fragile balance has long since been replaced. In recent years, the rights of transgender Americans in the military have become a political football, kicked around not based on evidence or readiness but on ideology and fear. That’s what makes the debate or opposition blatantly hollow.

From the Obama administration’s decision in 2016 to allow transgender individuals to serve openly, to the Trump administration’s abrupt reversal in 2017, and now to the renewed pressures facing transgender service members under various state and federal initiatives, the issue has become a litmus test for whether America’s military is truly inclusive or merely selectively tolerant.

This current chapter is a troubling one. Despite the Defence Department’s own studies finding no negative impact on unit cohesion or operational readiness, political forces continue to push for the marginalisation of transgender personnel. Legislation, executive orders, and policy proposals have sought to undermine their right to serve, not because of their capabilities but because of who they are. Indeed, in a land of the free. It is sad.

This is more than a military policy debate; it is a moral failing. The targeting of transgender individuals, many of whom have volunteered to risk their lives for a country that questions their legitimacy, is disheartening. It informs our soldiers that truth and authenticity are liabilities in uniform, and it shows the world that America’s values are negotiable.

At its core, military service is about honour, courage, and commitment. None of these values is diminished by a soldier’s gender identity. What undermines them is institutional hypocrisy, the notion that someone can be deemed good enough to die for their country, but not good enough to serve it openly. Whose interest is being served here? Certainly not the American majority.

It is indeed a sad era for the U.S. Defence Department, not only because it may once again turn its back on its transgender personnel but because it does so knowing better. This is not a matter of uncertainty; the data is in, the moral compass has bent, and history will not be kind to those who stood in its way.

Insecurity in Nigeria, the 1978 Fee Hike, and the “Ali Must Go” Student Protests: How We Got Here

 The 1978 students’ protest, famously known as the “Ali Must Go” riots, wasn’t solely about a fee hike. It symbolised a broader resistance to policies that quietly sought to restrict access to education. What followed decades later offers a troubling reflection of the ramifications when educational policy is shaped by political and ethnic bias rather than by national progress.

Around that same time, under Obasanjo’s military rule, Dr. Jubril Aminu, who served as the Executive Secretary of the NUC, stood firmly against the concept of free education at all levels. His reasoning? He contended that because the North had historically been less receptive to Western education, the policy would disproportionately benefit the South and further widen the educational disparity between the regions.

In a 53-page memo, Dr. Jibril Aminu vehemently opposed the proposal for free university education put forward by the Military Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo. Contrary to the General’s expectations, there was no rebuttal or counterargument from Aminu’s intellectual peers or fellow academics. In the end, Aminu’s position prevailed.

In his own words:

“In the universities themselves, the Federal Government is now contemplating introducing free education. Whatever may be the merits of this considered step, its likely effect on the university population must be mentioned. It is going to result in an even greater imbalance in enrollment, for the simple reason that at the moment, there are a fair number of highly eligible candidates for university education, mainly from the educationally advanced states, who unfortunately cannot enter university simply on financial grounds.”

That was Professor Aminu writing in his now-infamous memo titled "Educational Imbalance: Its Extent, History, Dangers and Correction in Nigeria," during his tenure as Executive Secretary of the National Universities Commission.

Let me break that down.

Dr. Aminu’s argument was rooted in ethnically influenced logic: that a nationwide free education policy would widen the already existing educational gap between the North and the South. Why? Because students from the "educationally advanced states," mainly in the South, who were previously kept out of university due to financial limitations, would now have access.

Rather than focusing on how the policy could benefit the North, he was disproportionately concerned about the South gaining an advantage. He further argued, elsewhere in the memo, that poor Northern families would not embrace the policy to the same extent as their Southern counterparts, citing a cultural aversion to Western education and values.

In essence, Dr. Aminu was echoing the sentiment behind Boko Haram, long before the extremist group existed. Boko, in his view, was already haram.

On this shaky and self-serving foundation, he concluded that free education was not a national priority. Unfortunately, the federal military government at the time accepted his arguments wholesale — hook, line, and sinker.

In other words, if free education wasn’t deemed beneficial to the North (which ironically needed it more than the South), it was dismissed as unsuitable for Nigeria as a whole.

Dr. Aminu was wrong. But he won. That’s Nigeria for you: one nation, different destinies. It’s not hard to see why some Nigerians advocate for the country’s division. But here’s the thing: Dr. Aminu never represented the views of the Talakawa or the Almajiri. That’s why I’ve never supported calls to dismantle Nigeria. And it’s also why I have no fear in expressing my views, especially when opposing policies rooted in ethnic bias.

And here we are today. Where has that mindset taken us?

The rise of Boko Haram didn’t happen overnight. It was planted, nurtured, and allowed to grow into a global terror organisation. Today, bandits, kidnappers, and armed herders move freely across the country, especially in the North, disrupting farming, turning road transportation into a dangerous venture and stalling economic activity.

Years after the protests, Dr. Jubril Aminu—then Professor—was appointed Minister of Education by President Ibrahim Babangida. He launched the Nomadic Education programme, aimed at integrating pastoralist communities into the education system. President Babangida gave him a blank cheque to implement it. In the end, the programme was abandoned.

This pattern reveals a larger problem. When education reforms or student support initiatives are proposed, many influential figures from the North (technocrats, politicians, and traditional leaders) often focus not on how to increase student participation but on how much funding their region will receive. This has led to a culture of inflating population figures just to secure a larger slice of federal resources.

Here’s the uncomfortable truth: if we truly want to measure the success of educational funding, we should be looking at NECO and JAMB enrolment data across all states over the last 10–15 years, for example. That’s where we’ll see whether the funds were effective and equitable. Sadly, that kind of accountability remains absent.

When you watch videos of some communities attacked by bandits, especially in parts of the North, the outdated housing alone reveals the extent of neglect by state governments. In some places, like Sokoto and Zamfara States, armed bandits have even been seen collecting "taxes" from locals. That’s a sign of disconnection, abandonment, and widespread illiteracy.

You can’t spread extremist ideology (Western education is forbidden) in a community that has had access to quality, compulsory education for decades. But over 40 years ago, when free education was proposed nationwide, Dr. Aminu opposed it, arguing it would benefit the South more than the North. That moment marked a critical turning point. And we’re still living with the consequences.

This is a conversation we must keep having, not out of resentment, but out of necessity. Because the truth is, many of the wars we’re fighting today, and the billions being spent on them, could have been avoided. Funds that should have gone into education, research, and industrial growth are now being spent fighting endless wars.

History doesn't just repeat itself; it evolves when we fail to learn from it.

Why We Must Give Chief Asiwaju a Chance: Spending, Not Austerity Measures, Drives Economic Recovery. Part One May 21, 2025

 Spending and investment remain the fastest routes to economic expansion; they are the direct opposites of austerity measures often recommended by international financial institutions. What President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (Asiwaju) is doing today mirrors what President Barack Obama did to rescue the American economy from the depths of the 2008 recession.

President Obama injected capital into Wall Street, the mortgage sector, and the auto industry, even in the face of criticism from opponents who argued the auto industry should be left to go bankrupt.

Similarly, Chief Asiwaju has pumped significant funds into the educational sector. The Nigeria Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) is already gaining momentum. This approach departs from the traditional African model of economic management, which often revolves around budget cuts, defunding education, and austerity policies that stifle growth and promote stagnation.

The ongoing investment in highways across the country is a strong example. These infrastructure projects are injecting money into the local economy, creating jobs, and opening up new opportunities for ancillary industries. This is money being spent in Nigeria, for Nigerians.

Moreover, most state governors are not just managing debt; they are paying it off and performing impressively in their respective domains. And it’s worth noting: this administration is not even two years old.

Upon observing the high-quality and extensive road projects executed in and around Abakaliki City, I was consistently convinced that Governor Dave Umahi would make an exemplary Minister of Works. As such, it has been my fervent prayer that the next President, regardless of political affiliation, would appoint him Minister of Works, to replicate his exceptional performance in Ebonyi State at the national level. As if God was listening to my prayer, Chief Asiwaju made that choice when he was elected President, and Umahi has not disappointed. His performance speaks volumes.

Moving Forward.

There’s a legal concept I picked up from Dr. Asue Ighodalo during the Edo State gubernatorial election, which I’ll refer to as the “doctrine of deterrence.” He invoked it when asked about addressing insecurity. His point was powerful: unless we see concrete examples of prosecution and incarceration, particularly of kidnappers, trespassing herders, and other criminals, we cannot expect to deter future crimes. That insight is profound.

I believe this same principle should be applied to fighting corruption in the public sector. This prevailing idea that joining the APC absolves one of past sins must be rejected and abandoned, not just rhetorically, but through firm action. Prosecutorial activism must be politically neutral and blind to tribe or class. The President must make it explicitly clear to the EFCC, ICPC, and Ministry of Justice that justice must be equitable and impartial.

Additionally, we need a comprehensive war against budget padding. It has become endemic — almost like a supernatural plague (juju). One has to ask: Who exactly is responsible for oversight in the budgeting process? Sometimes it seems as if there's a deeply entrenched civil service cartel that every President must submit to. If Asiwaju did not tolerate this in Lagos, he must now confront and dismantle it at the federal level.

I stand to be corrected, but what the current economic team is doing is reminiscent of the IBB era — large-scale spending on infrastructure like highways and housing. Back then, IBB’s formidable economic team, headed by Prof Ojetunji Aboyade (Ife), managed to prevent capital flight out of Nigeria, resulting in the creation of areas like Lekki, the new Federal Capital, and the 3rd Mainland Bridge. A similar pattern is emerging today, though it’s obscured by widespread hunger and insecurity.

If President Bola Ahmed Tinubu can (1) intensify the fight against insecurity, (2) collaborate with state governors to stabilize and reduce the cost of electricity, (3) maintain a steady academic calendar in partnership with ASUU to reduce the outflow of students studying abroad, and thereby decrease the demand for foreign currency, then the economy will be positioned to grow sustainably.

Lastly, the President should appoint a monitoring czar or a dedicated team to routinely visit federal institutions. Their mission: to ensure effective implementation of programs and curb waste.

I am not here to seek validation or applause. I am here to give credit where it's due. Despite the challenges (hunger, insecurity, and economic pressure), there is visible effort and progress is in view. Insha'Allah, a year from now we will have a better story to tell.

PART TWO

Why We Must Give Chief Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu a Chance: The Economic Impact of Stability in Nigeria’s University System and Academic Calendar. May 21, 2025

Introduction

When the demand for foreign currency is driven primarily by essential imports, the value of the Naira can reasonably be left to market forces. But that’s not the case in Nigeria. Much of the pressure on our currency comes from parents exchanging Naira for dollars and pounds at whatever rate, not for business or trade, but to pay school fees abroad. This is one of the core problems inherited by the current administration: a weakened university system that pushed families to seek education overseas, fueling demand for foreign currency and putting relentless strain on the Naira.

The Link Between Education and the Naira. Let's break it down.

The strength of the Naira is affected not just by demand for imported goods and services, but also by the high volume of Nigerians funding education abroad. Every time a parent sends money abroad for tuition, it increases the demand for foreign exchange and exacerbates the scarcity of hard currency at home.

That’s why I’ve consistently praised this administration’s efforts to stabilise Nigeria’s university system and restore the academic calendar. By constructively engaging with ASUU and avoiding prolonged strikes, the government has kept lecturers in classrooms and students in school. This isn’t just about education. It’s also an economic strategy for the long-term impact, which they might not be aware of.

Stemming Capital Flight Through Educational Stability

When our universities are stable and functioning well, there’s less urgency for parents to send their children abroad. That translates into reduced demand for foreign currency, which in turn helps relieve pressure on the Naira.

This is elementary economics: when demand outpaces supply, scarcity drives up prices. The same principle applies to foreign exchange. If Nigerians are scrambling to buy dollars and pounds at any cost, the Naira will continue to depreciate.

It may take two to three years before the full economic impact of these reforms becomes evident. But the trend is already taking shape.

I know many friends and relatives who recently sent their children overseas and had to make significant sacrifices just to secure forex at black market rates. These are funds that could have been invested in small businesses or used to stimulate local economic growth, if only the domestic education system had offered a reliable alternative.

A Balanced Perspective in Difficult Times

I understand that some of my guys and family members may find it difficult to accept my praise for the current administration while hunger and insecurity persist. But let me be clear: my position is not driven by political affiliation. I am writing these essays based on my understanding of the policies being implemented and the potential long-term benefits..

Yes, the challenges we face as a country are many. But amidst the noise, it’s important to recognise progress when it happens. With 2027 still two years away, we should not let political anxiety or political careerists dictate our judgment prematurely.

Conclusion

There’s no quid pro quo here or political favouritism. No one can pay me to share an opinion I don't hold. Just as I won’t stay silent in the face of oppression and tyranny, I won’t keep quiet when there’s evidence of meaningful economic progress.

Stabilising Nigeria’s university system is more than an academic achievement; it’s an economic intervention. One that may very well shape the future of our currency, our middle class, and our national confidence.

Let’s give credit where it is due, and more importantly, let’s give this administration a chance to see its vision through and its policies time to yield results. If you did not read part one of this essay, try and do so.

Thank you, and God bless Nigeria.

Barr Alex Ehi Aidaghese

May 22, 2025

Why We Must Give Chief Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu a Chance: The Economic Impact of Stability in Nigeria’s University System and Academic Calendar. PART TWO

Introduction

When the demand for foreign currency is driven primarily by essential imports, the value of the Naira can reasonably be left to market forces. But that’s not the case in Nigeria. Much of the pressure on our currency comes from parents exchanging Naira for dollars and pounds at whatever rate, not for business or trade, but to pay school fees abroad.

This is one of the core problems inherited by the current administration: a weakened university system that pushed families to seek education overseas, fueling demand for foreign currency and putting relentless strain on the Naira.

The Link Between Education and the Naira. Let's break it down.

The strength of the Naira is affected not just by demand for imported goods and services, but also by the high volume of Nigerians funding education abroad. Every time a parent sends money abroad for tuition, it increases the demand for foreign exchange and exacerbates the scarcity of hard currency at home.

That’s why I’ve consistently praised this administration’s efforts to stabilise Nigeria’s university system and restore the academic calendar. By constructively engaging with ASUU and avoiding prolonged strikes, the government has kept lecturers in classrooms and students in school. This isn’t just about education. It’s also an economic strategy for the long-term impact, which they might not be aware of.

Stemming Capital Flight Through Educational Stability

When our universities are stable and functioning well, there’s less urgency for parents to send their children abroad. That translates into reduced demand for foreign currency, which in turn helps relieve pressure on the Naira.

This is elementary economics: when demand outpaces supply, scarcity drives up prices. The same principle applies to foreign exchange. If Nigerians are scrambling to buy dollars and pounds at any cost, the Naira will continue to depreciate.

It may take two to three years before the full economic impact of these reforms becomes evident. But the trend is already taking shape.

I know many friends and relatives who recently sent their children overseas and had to make significant sacrifices just to secure forex at black market rates. These are funds that could have been invested in small businesses or used to stimulate local economic growth, if only the domestic education system had offered a reliable alternative.

A Balanced Perspective in Difficult Times

I understand that some of my guys and family members may find it difficult to accept my praise for the current administration while hunger and insecurity persist. But let me be clear: my position is not driven by political affiliation. I am writing these essays based on my understanding of the policies being implemented and the potential long-term benefits..

Yes, the challenges we face as a country are many. But amidst the noise, it’s important to recognise progress when it happens. With 2027 still two years away, we should not let political anxiety or political careerists dictate our judgment prematurely.

Conclusion

There’s no quid pro quo here or political favouritism. No one can pay me to share an opinion I don't hold. Just as I won’t stay silent in the face of oppression and tyranny, I won’t keep quiet when there’s evidence of meaningful economic progress.

Stabilising Nigeria’s university system is more than an academic achievement; it’s an economic intervention. One that may very well shape the future of our currency, our middle class, and our national confidence.

Let’s give credit where it is due, and more importantly, let’s give this administration a chance to see its vision through and its policies time to yield results. If you did not read part one of this essay, try and do so.

Thank you, and God bless Nigeria.

Barr Alex Ehi Aidaghese

May 22, 2025

The War Against Harvard and International Students.

About 22 years ago, when I attended Harvard University, I was a green card holder, and I had the security of legal residency. If it were today, I might have found myself in limbo like thousands of international students affected by President Donald Trump's unjustified crackdown on Harvard University. That experience shapes my interest in this developing story. May justice prevail in earnest

I wrote the attached story (below) back in 2020, in response to President Donald Trump’s labeling of Africans as being from “shithole countries.”

Now, nearly five years later, it feels like déjà vu — the same sentiment is resurfacing, this time targeting DEI efforts and international students.

In the absence of real justice, I take comfort in knowing that God is watching over the meek.

Nigerians and the Hard Road to Fame in the United States of America February 18, 2020

We are not who they say we are.

In the attached picture, there are only two Black graduates in the class — both of us are Nigerians. I'm standing in the front row, third from the left. The other Nigerian, an Igbo from Abia State, is standing at the far right in the back row. This is not unique; it's a familiar story across many American graduate schools and programs.

We are not "shithole" inclined.

We are not obsessed with terrorism.

We are not cybercriminals or 419 scammers.

We are not who they want the world to believe we are. We work hard for everything we have.

It took me nearly two years to complete this program - Special Studies in Administration and Management. During that time, I drove a taxi during the day and attended classes at night. I’m not an exception; this is the reality for many Nigerians in the U.S.

I did it again seven years later, earning another master’s degree in the Law of Natural Resources, Energy and Environmental Law and Policy from a different institution. It was rough, but I never gave up. I didn’t cheat. I didn’t pose a threat to anyone. I didn’t steal or defraud anyone.

And above all, I am proud of who I am, despite everything thrown my way - persecuted, ceaselessly investigated and monitored. You cannot be feared if you are not deep. I thank God for watching over me, knowing that my hands are clean.