A Prelude to Restructuring. 

The Balkanization of Nigeria by Northern Elite Military Group and the Disappearance of the Federal System. 

“The federal character principle enshrined in the 1979 Constitution is predicated upon the view of Nigeria as a house on four pillars, the four pillars being the Hausa/Fulanis, Igbos, Yorubas and the Minorities, and that the edifice will begin to wobble and its stability imperiled if the headship of the federal government is not made to move around these four groups. Nigerian unity demands acceptance and commitment by all to the principle of rotation, i.e., that ordinarily, no two persons from the same group should hold the headship of the federal government in succession. Unless the federal character principle is applied in order to rotate the headship of the federal government among the four groups, its application at the lower levels will not be effective to secure national unity. The danger of disintegration and of demands for a confederal arrangement will continue to stare us in the face.” “The Igbos in the Context of Modern Government and Politics in Nigeria: A Call for Self-Examination and Self-Correction.”, By Prof. Ben O. Nwabueze SAN, 1985 Ahiajoku Lecture.

"I am not satisfied with the Nigeria in which I live today, neither am I proud of it. I want this Nigeria destroyed and another born. There is despair where there should be hope. Groups that should inspire have rather become hindrances of social and economic growth.”  Saharareporters: “Destroying This Nigeria” By Leonard Karshima Shilgba, September 23, 2011.

The call for a confederal system of government (Confederacy), or a Sovereign National Conference (SNC) is receiving unprecedented momentum in the blogosphere of late following the upsurge in the bombing spree credited to Boko Haram and its affiliates. The demand is not new. It began with late Chief Olu Aboderin, the Publisher of Punch Newspaper, seconded by late Chief Bisi Onabanjo in the 80s. It was given a new meaning in the 90s by late chief Anthony Enahoro and other prominent social activists, too numerous to mention here.  While Aboderin and Onabanjo called for a confederal system of government (where the component units are more powerful than the central government), Enahoroh and his fellow social cum political activists, originated the concept of a Sovereign National Conference (a dialogue) subsequent to the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, won by Chief Moshood Abiola the Aare Onakankonfo of Yoruba land.

Whatever the form or semantic coloration of SNC, it is an expression of anger motivated in part by the growing disillusionment within the educated elite groups over the inexcusable failure of our elected leaders in the management of our political system and our oil wealth. Especially at the national level. 

Surprisingly though, the demand remains an exercise in intellectual voyaging, lacking congressional support and refusing to gain mainstream traction in the real world. Cogent as the motives may seem, until the apostles of SNC or confederal arrangement develop a winnable argument and articulate how dismantling this country in line with pre-amalgamation will eradicate corruptions and leadership crisis (greed and poverty of ideas), the demand will remain, as it has always been, a futile endeavor.

It is a truism that the feudal elements in the north and by extension, the military wing of that reactionary power block, succeeded in under-developing Nigeria because of the persecution complex and willful silence of most of our southern military officers since the Kaduna Nzeogwu’s coup. A secondary factor is the greed of the opportunist elements within the southern political elite since the Second Republic. 

Most disturbing is the complete absence of southerner academics and intellectuals in the face of blatant and ethnically motivated socioeconomic policies successively pursued and implemented at the center by the Jubrin Aminus of the North in cahoots with the faceless Kaduna Mafia and present-day Arewa Consultative Forum.

While most Southern columnists, opinion leaders, and public affairs commentators tend to impress us with their semantics and grammatical prowess - re-enacting publicly available information as opinion; northern intellectuals and technocrats continued to shape our national policy debate as well as the policy implications of our laws and regulations to suit whatever purpose they deem fit at any given time.

Most often, when Southerners are not sleeping on their rights or shooting their foot, they are acting out the Northern scripts in the worst form imaginable. Not necessarily on account of patriotism, but for self-promotion and greed (want to be in their good book). Northerners never dictate the scope and directions of our politics and policies, without the active involvement of the Southern Civil Servants and Technocrats. These Northern Interest Groups, working via the Civil Service or the Presidency whenever appropriate, set the machinery in motion. Only for greedy Southern politicians and administrators to standout as the worthy ambassadors, pushing those feudal and retrogressive policies to fruition. 

Be that as it may, we cannot have a viable Nation-State or strong Federalism in the absence of some form of physical mechanisms or some kind of federal physical structures that every citizen can tap into on an equal basis and at all levels of government, from clerical to the presidential level. There is no gainsaying the fact that present anger would have been averted or mitigated at least, if Southerner Military Officers and political leaders who served under the northern-controlled governments show strength while serving under these Northern Military-politicians.

Nevertheless, I would like to add that, time and time again, the north, successively represented at the center by a coterie of predominantly ethnic chauvinists, with the active support of the vocal and lawless Technocrats at the fringe (the Junaid Mohammed, Professor Ango Abdulahi, Dr. Jubrin Aminu, Professor Awwal Yadudu, and Chief Anthony Sani, etc.), has been an unfaithful partner since the amalgamation. 

It has always been all about the North – what the North wants and what is good for the North before what is good for Nigeria. For instance, you will be amazed by the reasons they gave for the rejection of Free Education at all levels. Surprisingly, the region receives more Federal allocations for educational funding than the south, in spite of the fact that they constitute less than 30% of the entire population of students in Nigeria.

DEBATING THE UNITARY MODEL.

It is profoundly ironic that Aguiyi Inonsi died because of his introduction of a Unitary System of Government, which is today, the new normal in Nigeria. Some historians and public affairs commentators consider the promulgation of a Unitary system by the Ironsi Administration, naive. However, Ironsi and his advisers firmly believed that, given the mistrust and the volatile political situation generated by the assassination of the Premier, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, and the Sadauna of Sokoto, Almadu Bello during the Nzeogu's coup, a Unitary system of government would facilitate unity, peace, and tranquility, and ultimately, calm nerves in the north. They were wrong. The north, represented by the often referred to as 'young military officers' led by Murtala Mohammed, Yakubu Gowon, Jeremail Useni, and Danjuma, thought otherwise. they considered a unitary system of government another form of colonization, introduced by the Ironsi regime to silence and dominate the northern region. 

That interpretation is to some extent tenable. Zik ran away and the Premier of the Eastern Region (Okpara) was in a safe location, while Balewa, Sadauna Sokoto, Okotie-Eboh, Akintola, and some of the finest Yoruba Military Officers were killed. I am not a historian; nevertheless, I have no doubt making the conclusion that the disproportionate killing was never Nzeogu's intention. Someone, somewhere, and somehow betrayed Nzeogu and his friends, thereby defeating the purpose and essence of the coup. 

Today, constitutionally, we are a Federation, or supposedly, a Federal System of Government. But in reality, we are operating a unitary system of government that Ironsi died for. And that system was conceived and continuously nurtured by governments headed by northern military officers through the creation of more states - states that cannot fend for themselves, and states that substantially depend on the government at the center for their survival.  That is not what our founding fathers had in mind when they developed and settled for the concept of a Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Must we now turn around and accuse IBB and Sani Abacha of creating more (weak) states and local governments in order to create a stronger and domineering central government to subjugate the Southern region as argued by the young northern military officers when Ironsi introduced a unitary arrangement? 

The truth is, their intention was not to dominate per se, but to redistribute wealth in favor of the Northern region. The more the number of local governments and states created in a particular region, the more federal wealth that goes to that particular region every month. And at the same time, the more members of Legislators they control in the National Assembly. And who controls the National Assembly, controls deliberations, the Bills passed into Laws, the allocations of power/appointment, and the distributions of resources and government presence. 

Pre-civil war, the Northern region under the Premier of Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello, was untouchable - legally and inherently indivisible. However, the emergence of oil as our major means of foreign exchange, the disappearance of the groundnuts pyramids, and the emergence of Northern Military Officers post-civil war, culminated in the rejection of Sir Ahmadu Bello's philosophy of indivisible North. 

One could also argue that their intention was to bring government closer to the people and facilitate grass-root development. Whatever your understanding of their motives, one thing remains UNDENIABLE: The unintended consequence turned out to be structurally and politically devastating to the entire fabric of our federal system. 

The process eroded the true concept of federalism because the new states and local governments created as well as the old states cannot stand on their own, without the direct support of the now powerful central government. And that is now our reality - a unitary model at its finest - a development that Southerners now find very unsettling, but can't overtake. And that is the thesis of this essay - unraveling the emergence of a Unitary Model through the back door in Nigerian politics.

True federalism is about equal distribution of power and responsibilities between the government at the center and the semi-independent component states and the local councils at the lowest end of the political ladder. That is one of the fundamental elements of a federal system of government. In sum, the ability of the component states to manage their own affairs and resources and regulate for the security and well-being of those within their geographical and political boundaries, are some of the basic attributes of a federal system of government. 

Today, our component states are like local government councils or counties - they collect taxes, levies, and fines from market women and motor park operators, and no more. And they have no control over internal security. The Commissioner of Police in answerable to the IG at Abuja. 

Under a Federal System of Government, the component states do more than collecting levies and taxes. They are mini nations, with all the power and privileges that come with it. They control, exploit, and manage the mineral resources in their domain in collaboration with the federal government in licensing, permitting, and regulatory aspects. They exercise control over the State Police, while the Local Council recruits at the local level. In Nigeria, we cannot boast of them. The states cannot perform and the central government is becoming more and more powerful and domineering.

Federalism was at its best in Nigeria prior to the discovery of oil in the Niger Delta. Then, we had groundnuts pyramids, timber, rubber, palm oil, cocoa, cotton, and coal, just to name a few. They were our major foreign exchange-earners. Not any more. As long as states and local councils continue to look up to Abuja for their basic needs and free money continue to flow from crude oil to the central government, we will never have true federalism in Nigeria.

As a closing, the obvious truth is that, if the Northern political leaders and the military elite groups had judiciously utilized the wealth of the nation that they cornered over the years for the development, training, and education of the greater majority of northern children since the end of the civil war, the mass illiteracy, lawlessness,  insecurity, and hopelessness ravaging that part of the country today would have been adequately contained. 

And by extension, the federal character and quota system that created inequality in our political system, which southerners resent, would have been avoided. Nepotism and religious bigotry would not have been that rampant.

In spite of everything, the north is not an Eldorado – not everyone is a beneficiary of the stolen wealth or the stolen governments. Northern poor and the generality Talakawas are a victim of the system just as those of us in the south. They need help. We all need help. This country should not be dismantled. We need a new attitude. A fundamental restructuring that will benefit everyone equally and where each component state can develop at its own pace.

The deafening silence from prominent leaders of thoughts in the North and the nonchalant approach exhibited by the vocal Arewa Consultative Forum since the emergence of Boko Haram, support the narrative that the answer that we seek is not in disintegration, but in a leadership change. As we have seen, the victims of the carnage unfolding in the Northern region are on their own. ACF members are more interested in building their Business Empire. The vulnerable Talakawas who congregate at places easily targeted by Boko Haram are on there own.

Now is the time for a new start, to reminisce and take stock of what we did not do right as individuals and as a group and as a race. And to develop a framework for a new beginning, for equal rights and justice, and for impartial deliberations with a view to serving one great purpose – the greatness of Nigeria.